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11 Jump to dictionary Show parallel passages Show photographic representation	自然:	禮者、忠信之薄，亂之首也。相譏以禮，故相譴告。三皇之時，坐者于于，行者居居，乍自以為馬，乍自以為牛。純德行而民瞳矇，曉惠之心未形生也。當時亦無災異。如有災異，不名曰譴告。何則？時人愚憃，不知相繩責也。末世衰微，上下相非，災異時至，則造譴告之言矣。夫今之天、古之天也。非古之天厚，而今之天薄也。譴告之言生於今者，人以心准況之也。誥誓不及五帝，要盟不及三王，交質子不及五伯，德彌薄者信彌衰。心險而行詖，則犯約而負教。教約不行，則相譴告。譴告不改，舉兵相滅。由此言之，譴告之言，衰亂之語也，而謂之上天為之，斯蓋所以疑也。
	Ziran:	Ceremonies originate from a want of loyalty and good faith, and are the beginning of confusion. On that score people find fault with one another, which leads to reproof. At the time of the Three Rulers people were sitting down self-satisfied, and walking about at perfect ease. Sometimes they took themselves for horses, and sometimes for oxen. Virtuous actions were out of the question, and the people were dull and beclouded. Knowledge and wisdom did not yet make their appearance. Originally, there happened no calamities or catastrophes either, or, if they did, they were not denoted as reprimands. Why? Because at that time people were feeble-minded, and did not restrain or reproach one another. Later generations have gradually declined - superiors and inferiors recriminate, and calamitous events continually happen. Hence the hypothesis of reprimands has been developed. The Heaven of today is the Heaven of old, and it is not the case that the Heaven of old was benign, whereas now Heaven is harsh. The hypothesis of reprimands has been put forward at present, as surmise made by men from their own feelings. Declarations and oaths do not reach up to the Five Emperors, agreements and covenants to the Three Rulers, and the giving of hostages to the Five Princes. The more people's virtue declined, the more faith began to fail them. In their guile and treachery they broke treaties, and were deaf to admonitions. Treaties and admonitions being of no avail, they reproached one another, and if no change was brought about by these reproaches, they took up arms, and fought, till one was exterminated. Consequently reprimands point to a state of decay and disorder. Therefore it appears very dubious that Heaven should make reprimands.

《道德經 - Dao De Jing》
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[Warring States (475 BC - 221 BC)] English translation: James Legge ^[?]

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[Also known as: 《老子》, "Tao Te Ching", "Laozi"]

38 Jump to dictionary Show parallel passages Show photographic representation Show commentary Show additional information	道德經:	上德不德，是以有德；下德不失德，是以無德。上德無為而無以為；下德為之而有以為。上仁為之而無以為；上義為之而有以為。上禮為之而莫之應，則攘臂而扔之。故失道而後德，失德而後仁，失仁而後義，失義而後禮。夫禮者，忠信之薄，而亂之首。前識者，道之華，而愚之始。是以大丈夫處其厚，不居其薄；處其實，不居其華。故去彼取此。
	Dao De Jing:	(About the attributes of the Dao) (Those who) possessed in highest degree the attributes (of the Dao) did not (seek) to show them, and therefore they possessed them (in fullest measure). (Those who) possessed in a lower degree those attributes (sought how) not to lose them, and therefore they did not possess them (in fullest measure). (Those who) possessed in the highest degree those attributes did nothing (with a purpose), and had no need to do anything. (Those who) possessed them in a lower degree were (always) doing, and had need to be so doing. (Those who) possessed the highest benevolence were (always seeking) to carry it out, and had no need to be doing so. (Those who) possessed the highest righteousness were (always seeking) to carry it out, and had need to be so doing. (Those who) possessed the highest (sense of) propriety were (always seeking) to show it, and when men did not respond to it, they bared the arm and marched up to them. Thus it was that when the Dao was lost, its attributes appeared; when its attributes were lost, benevolence appeared; when benevolence was lost, righteousness appeared; and when righteousness was lost, the proprieties appeared. Now propriety is the attenuated form of leal-heartedness and good faith, and is also the commencement of disorder; swift apprehension is (only) a flower of the Dao, and is the beginning of stupidity. Thus it is that the Great man abides by what is solid, and eschews what is flimsy; dwells with the fruit and not with the flower. It is thus that he puts away the one and makes choice of the other.

《論德》

論德:

上德不德，上德，謂太古無名號之君，德大無上，故言上德也。不德者，言其不以德教民，因循自然，養人性命，其德不見，故言不德也。是以有德。言其德合於天地，和氣流行，民德以全也。下德不失德，下德，謂號謚之君，德不及上德，故言下德也。不失德者，其德可見，其功可稱也。是以無德。以有名號及其身故。上德無為謂法道安靜，無所施為也。而無以為，言無以名號為也。下德為之言為教令，施政事也。而有以為。言以為己取名號也上仁為之上仁謂行仁之君，其仁無上，故言上仁。為之者，為人恩也。而無以為，功成事立，無以執為。上義為之為義以斷割也。而有以為。動作以為己，殺人以成威，賊下以自奉也。上禮為之謂上禮之君，其禮無上，故言上禮。為之者，言為禮制度，序威儀也。而莫之應，言禮華盛實衰，飾偽煩多，動則離道，不可應也。則攘臂而扔之。言禮煩多不可應，上下忿爭，故攘臂相仍引。故失道而後德，言道衰而德化生也。失德而後仁，言德衰而仁愛見也。失仁而後義，言仁衰而分義明也。失義而後禮。言義衰則失禮聘，行玉帛也。夫禮者，忠信之薄言禮廢本治末，忠信日以衰薄。而亂之首。禮者賤質而貴文，故正直日以少，邪亂日以生。前識者，道之華不知而言知為前識，此人失道之時，得道之華。而愚之始。言前識之人，愚闇之倡始也。是以大丈夫處其厚，大丈夫謂得道之君也。處其厚者，謂處身於敦樸。不居其薄，不處身違道，為世煩亂也。處其實，處忠信也。不居其華。不尚華言也。故去彼取此。去彼華薄，取此厚實。

《法家 - Legalism》

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《韓非子 - Hanfeizi》

[Warring States (475 BC - 221 BC)]

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[Also known as: 《韓非》, 《韓子》]

《解老》

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解老:

禮為情貌者也，文為質飾者也。夫君子取情而去貌，好質而惡飾。夫恃貌而論情者，其情惡也；須飾而論質者，其質衰也。何以論之？和氏之璧，不飾以五采，隋侯之珠，不飾以銀黃，其質至美，物不足以飾之。夫物之待飾而後行者，其質不美也。是以父子之間，其禮樸而不明，故曰：「禮薄也。」凡物不並盛，陰陽是也。理相奪予，威德是也。實厚者貌薄，父子之禮是也。由是觀之，禮繁者實心衰也。然則為禮者，事通人之樸心者也。眾人之為禮也，人應則輕歡，不應則責怨。今為禮者事通人之樸心，而資之以相責之分，能毋爭乎？有爭則亂，故曰：「禮者，忠信之薄也，而亂之首乎。」

《漢代之後 - Post-Han》
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《隋唐 - Sui-Tang》

《意林》

[Tang] 770-800

《卷一》

《道德經二卷》

道德經二... :

失道而後德，道衰德生。失德而後仁，德衰而仁愛見。失義而後禮。義衰即施禮聘，行玉帛也。夫禮者，忠信之薄，禮廢本治末，忠信日以消薄。而亂之首。禮賤質貴文，故正日以消，邪亂日以生。

《宋明 - Song-Ming》

《太平御覽》

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《逸民部六》

《逸民六》

逸民六:

《唐書·隱逸傳》曰：王績字無功，絳州龍門人也。少與李播、呂才為莫逆之交。隋大業中，應孝悌廉潔，舉授揚州六合縣丞。非其所好，棄官還鄉里。績河渚中，先有田數頃。鄰渚有隱士仲長子先，服食養性，績重其真素，愿與相近。乃結廬河渚，以琴酒自樂。嘗游北山，因為《北山賦》以見志。績嘗躬耕於東皋，故時人號東皋子。或經過酒肆，動經數日，往往題壁作詩，多為好事者詠諷。貞觀十八年卒。臨終自克死日，遺命薄葬，兼預自為墓志。
又曰：田游巖，京兆三原人也。初補太學生，后罷歸，游於太白山。每遇林泉會意，輒留連不能去。其母及妻子并有方外之志，與游巖同游山水二十餘年。后入箕山，就許由廟東，筑室而居，自稱許由東鄰。調露中，高宗幸嵩山，遣中書侍郎薜元超就問其母，游巖山衣田冠，出拜。帝令左右扶止之，謂曰：「先生養道山中，比得佳否？」游巖曰：「臣泉石膏肓，煙霞痼疾。既逢聖代，幸得逍遙。」帝曰：「朕今得卿，何異漢獲四皓乎？」因將游巖就行宮，授崇文館學士，令與太子少傅劉仁軌談論。帝后將營奉天宮于嵩山，游巖舊宅先居宮側，特令不毀，仍親書題額懸其門曰：「隱士田游巖宅。」
又曰：史德義，蘇州昆山人也。咸亨初，隱居武丘山，以琴書自適。或騎牛帶瓢，出入郊郭廛市，號為逸人。高宗聞其名，征赴洛陽，尋稱疾東歸，公卿已下皆賦詩餞別。德義亦以詩留贈，其文甚美。天授初，江南道宣勞使周興表薦，則天征赴都，詔曰：「蘇州隱士史德義，志尚虛玄，素履貞確，謙沖彰於里闬，孝友表於閨庭；固辭征辟，長往嚴陵之瀨；多謝簪裾，高蹈愚公之谷。朕承天革命，建極開階，寤寐星云，物色林壑，順貞期而損薜帶，應休運而解荷裳，粵自海隅，來游魏闕，行藏之理斯得，去就之節無違，風操可知，啟沃攸佇，特宜優獎，委以諫曹，授諫議大夫。」后放歸丘壑。
又曰：王友貞，懷州河內人也。弱冠時，母病篤，醫言惟啖人肉乃差。友貞獨念無可求治，乃割股肉以飴親，母疾尋差。則天聞之，令就其家驗問，特加旌表。友貞素好學，讀九經皆百遍，訓誨子弟，如嚴君焉。口不言人過，尤好釋典，屏絕膻味，出言未曾負諾。時論以為真君子。中宗在春宮，召為司議郎，不就。神龍初，又拜太子中舍人，仍令所司以禮征赴。及至，固以疾辭。玄宗在東宮，又表請禮征之，以年老，竟辭不赴。年九十餘，開元四年卒。特下制贈銀青光祿大夫。
又曰：盧鴻一字浩然，本范陽人，徙家洛陽。少有學業，頗善籀篆楷隸，隱於嵩山。開元初，遣幣禮再征，不至。五年，下詔征之。至東都，謁見不拜。宰相遣人問其故，奏言：「臣聞老君言，禮者忠信之所薄，不足可依。山臣鴻一敢以忠信奉見。」上別召升內殿，賜之酒食，詔曰：「盧鴻一應辟而至，訪之政道，有會淳風，爰舉逸人，用勸天下。特宜授諫議大夫，放之還山。」
又曰：王希夷，徐州滕人也。孤貧好道。父母終，時為人牧羊，收傭以供葬。葬畢，隱於嵩山，師道士黃賾向四十年，盡能傳其閉氣道養之術。頤卒，更居兗州徂徠山中，與道士劉玄博為棲遁之友。好《易》及《老子》，嘗餌松柏葉及雜花散。景龍中。年七十餘，氣益壯。刺史盧齊卿就謁致禮，因訪以字人之術。希夷曰：「孔子稱：己所不欲，勿施於人。可以終身行之矣。」及玄宗東巡，敕州縣以禮徵召。至駕前，年已九十六。上令中書令張說訪以道義，宦官扶入宮中，與話，甚悅。詔授朝散大夫，守國子博士，聽致仕還山。
又曰：衛大經者，篤學善《易》，口無二言。則天降詔征之，辭疾不赴。與魏州人夏侯乾童有舊，聞乾童母卒，徒步往吊之。鄉人止之曰：「當夏溽暑，豈可涉千里？致書可也。」大經曰：「尺書安能盡意！」遂行至魏州。會乾童出行，大經造門設席，行吊禮，不訊其家人而還。開元初，畢構為刺史，謂解令孔慎言曰：「衛生德厚，宜有旌異。古人式干木之閭，禮賢故也。」慎言造門就謁。時大經已年老，辭疾不見。嘗預筮死日，先鑿墓，自為志文。如筮而終。
又曰：李元凱者，博學，善天文律歷。然性恭慎，口未嘗言人之過。鄉人宋璟，年少時師事之。及璟作相，使人遺元凱束帛，將薦舉之，皆拒而不答。景龍中，元行沖為洺州刺史，邀元凱至州，問以經義，因遺衣服。元凱辭曰：「微軀不宜服新麗，但恐不能勝其美，以速咎也。」行沖乃以泥涂污而與之，不獲已而受。及還，乃以己之所蠶素絲五兩，以酬行沖曰：「義不受無妄之財。」年八十餘終。
又曰：徐仁紀者，聖歷中征拜左拾遺，三上書論得失，不納，謂人曰：「三諫不聽，可去矣。」遂移病歸鄉里。神龍初，宣慰使舉仁紀之行可以激俗，又征拜左補闕，三上書，又不省，乃詣執政，求出，授靈昌令。妻子不之官，廨舍惟衣履及書疏而已，餘無所蓄。
又曰：孫處玄，長安中征為左拾遺，頗善屬文，常恨天下無書以廣所聞。神龍初，桓彥范等用事，處玄遺彥范書，論時事得失。彥范竟不用其言。乃去官還鄉里，以病卒。
又曰：白履忠，陳留浚儀人也。博涉文史，嘗隱居于古大梁城，時人號為梁丘子。景云中，征拜校書郎，尋棄官而歸。開元十年，刑部尚書王志愔表薦履忠隱居讀書，貞苦守操，有古人之風，堪代褚無量、馬懷素入閣侍讀。乃征赴京師。及至，辭以老病，不任職事。詔授朝散大夫，停留數月而歸。履忠鄉人左庶子吳競謂履忠曰：「吾子家室屢空，竟不沾斗米匹帛，雖得五品，何益於實也？」履忠欣然。尋以壽終。
又曰：崔覲，梁州城固人也。為儒不樂仕進，以耕稼為業。老而無子，乃以田宅家財分給奴婢，令各為生業。覲夫妻遂隱於城固南山，家事不問。約奴婢遞過其舍，至則供給酒食而已。夫婦林泉相對，以嘯詠自娛。山南節度使鄭餘慶高其行，辟為節度參謀，累邀，方至府第。為吏無方略，若不達人事，餘慶以長者優容之。太和八年，左補闕王直方薦覲有高行，詔以起居郎征之，覲辭疾不起，卒於山。

《太平廣記》
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[Northern Song] 977-984

《儒行》

《盧鴻》