人物生平

出生與早年

胤禛於康熙十七年十月三十日（1678年12月13日）寅時出生于紫禁城永和宮，為康熙帝第四子，母親是孝恭仁皇后。康熙帝曾評價幼年的胤禛「喜怒不定」，後經胤禛請求，于康熙四十一年（1702年）撤此考語。因胤禛性情急躁剛烈，父皇康熙用「戒急用忍」訓喻他。胤禛早年隨康熙巡歷四方。

儲位鬥爭中的角色

康熙三十七年（1698年）三月，康熙帝第一次賜給胤禛爵位，封為多羅貝勒。

康熙四十六年（1707年），康熙賜皇家園林圓明園給貝勒胤禛，十一月，胤禛恭請康熙幸（圓明園）進宴用膳（1707年至1722年，康熙帝總共去了圓明園12次）。

康熙四十七年（1708年）九月十八日，康熙第一次罷黜皇太子允礽。允禔和馬齊就因幫助允禩爭太子之位，就被康熙斥責和疏遠過。

康熙四十八年（1709年）三月十日，康熙帝諭曰：「茲值復立皇太子允礽大慶之日，著封胤禛的爵位為親王…」。十月二十一日，多羅貝勒胤禛冊封為和碩雍親王。

康熙五十年（1711年）八月，胤禛妾室典儀之女藩邸格格鈕祜祿氏（熹妃）生下雍親王胤禛第四子弘曆，即後來的乾隆帝。

康熙五十一年（1712年）康熙再次廢黜允礽，此時不再立皇太子。因此爭奪儲位鬥爭更加激烈。

康熙五十三年（1714年），朝鮮國王所派的使臣回國後，向朝鮮國王表明大清康熙皇帝當時的意旨：「(胤禛二哥)允礽之子弘皙頗賢，難于廢立(太子)允礽」；或康熙五十六年(1717年)，亦表明康熙皇帝當時意旨：「弘皙甚賢，故不忍立他子，而尙爾貶處允礽矣」。

康熙六十一年（1722年），胤禛依照往常邀請康熙帝在自宅的圓明園進宴用膳，弟兄亦邀請集結在圓明園。(乾隆朝以後，於《高宗純皇帝實錄》記載，康熙因乾隆之故在圓明園進宴用膳，康熙連稱乾隆生母為有福之人;但是在《聖祖仁皇帝實錄》《世宗憲皇帝實錄》《起居注》上並未記載任何乾隆母子受康熙驚愛的歷史，也未賞賜他們世子或福晉，唯獨遺詔承認乾隆帝受康熙帝鍾愛撫養宮中)。

康熙六十一年（1722年）十一月二十日，胤禛登基為雍正皇帝，頒立恩詔於天下，詔曰：「…昔允礽弱齡建立深為康熙帝聖慈鍾愛，寢處時依恩勤倍篤，不幸中年神志昏憒病類風狂，皇考念宗社重任付託為艱，不得已再行廢斥，待至十有餘年，沈疾如故，痊可無期，是以皇考升遐之日，詔朕纘承大統，朕之昆弟子姪甚多，惟思一體相關敦睦罔替，共享昇平之福永圖磐石之安…」。

胤禛二哥允礽的第二子弘皙是胤禛上位後第一位晉升王爵的姪輩。據朝鮮使臣回國後，向朝鮮國王稟報大清國所盛傳的：「康熙帝於升遐之日所留下的最後遺言：『允礽的第二子弘皙朕所鍾愛，其特封為和碩親王』，康熙帝言訖而逝」。(朝鮮國王實錄裏並沒有載錄康熙預備為皇子封王，只有載錄康熙特為弘皙一人特封和碩親王)

雍正元年（1723年）三月，雍正帝親生皇子皇女中，只追封側福晉李氏滿十八歲的皇二女爵位：和碩格格為和碩懷恪公主（因康熙帝的未成年兒子一律不封爵位，雍正遵從前朝康熙的旨意皇子皇女未滿18歲的均不冊封爵位）。

雍正元年（1723年）八月十七日，雍正於乾清宮召諸王滿漢大臣入見，面喻曰：「康熙帝去年升遐之日倉猝之間一言而定大計（為儲君人選謀定的大計），薄海內外莫不傾心悅服，共享安全之福……康熙帝既將大事付託於朕，朕身為宗社之主不得不預為之計，今朕特將此事親寫密封藏於匣內，置之乾清宮正中……正大光明匾額之後……」。命諸臣皆退，仍留總理事務王大臣：允禩、允祥、馬齊、隆科多，以康熙旨意，首度破例以元年極早訂立儲君，將密封遺詔收藏於乾清宮最高之處，特別不立皇太子。

雍正元年（1723年）九月二十日卯時，鄭家莊建成後，雍正以康熙遺命，分家理郡王弘晳距京城外二十里的鄭各家莊，特命人以隆重禮數禮遇弘皙、和他的眾多妻妾子女及已成年弟弟，一起藏身至皇城外面，分至四百房。並安排弘皙的一子仍由十五阿哥允禑養育之。而弘晳生父允礽因有罪因此仍舊被禁錮於皇城之內咸安宮。雍正帝十分關心弘晳，弘皙亦於奏摺中稱呼本是叔父的雍正皇為：「皇父」，與弘晳關係融洽。，並命數千位兵丁家臣奴僕保護弘皙的鄭各家莊。

並且，弘皙每月可特別例行一次赴京參與朝會、射箭及壇廟祭祀等活動。

雍正元年（1723年）十月三十日，雍正帝諭萬壽節，命令停止朝賀與筵宴，遣官祭神祇與清朝祖宗的陵寢（順治時期和康熙時期，元旦萬壽節免眾人群聚朝賀筳宴行慶賀禮，其中原因是因京城的痘疹瘟疫盛行）

雍正元年（1723年）十一月十三日，適逢康熙忌辰，雍正命熹妃所生皇四子弘曆祭景陵。

雍正二年（1724年）十二月，允礽病逝後，雍正帝追封二哥允礽為和碩理親王，諡號曰：密，以親王例下葬。奉雍正諭旨曰：「允礽病逝前奏曰：臣蒙皇上種種施恩甚厚，臣心實深感激，又訓弘皙，你若能一心竭誠效力以事君父(雍正皇帝)，方為令子，此皆二阿哥允礽至誠由衷之言」。

而且，雍正還特別賜弘皙之生母李佳氏為允礽的側福晉，令弘皙盡心孝養李佳氏。並且讓允礽各妻妾，皆能豐衣足食，以終餘年。

據《雍正朝起居注》記載，雍正二年十二月十五日，總理事務王大臣滿漢大臣等謹奏：「皇上因允礽事所降諭旨恩恤稠疊至優至渥，臣等伏思允礽獲罪廢禁多年，我皇上仁厚如天御極之初，即封其子弘晳為郡王…」。

雍正四年(1726年)，雍正皇帝給鄂爾泰御筆硃批中有提到：『朕之關心(你)，勝朕頑劣之皇子』。雍正八年(1730年)又說：『皇子皆中庸(平凡)之資，朕弟侄輩也缺乏卓越之才，朕此血誠，上天列祖皇考康熙帝早鑒之矣』。

雍正五年（1727年）三月，雍正帝諭旨：「朕仰賴康熙帝福庇……見宮中傳留古玩器皿，皆質樸之物，朕仰思康熙恭儉至德，實可垂法萬世，朕意欲俟暇時，將宮中所有之物，或系康熙傳留，或朕藩邸舊蓄，分晰標記，以明康熙之儉德，俾世世子孫共知之」。

雍正六年（1728年）十一月十一日，雍正帝諭曰：「朕幼蒙康熙帝慈愛教育四十餘年以來，朕養志承歡至誠至敬屢蒙康熙帝恩諭諸昆弟中獨謂朕誠孝，此朕之兄弟及大小臣工所共知者。朕在藩邸時仰托康熙帝福庇安富尊榮循理守分不交結一人、不與聞一事」。

雍正七年（1729年）十月，奉雍正帝諭旨：「朕自幼蒙(康熙帝)鍾愛器重在諸兄弟之上，宮中何人不知，及至傳位於朕之遺詔，乃諸兄弟面承於御榻之前者，是以諸兄弟皆俯首臣伏於朕前而不敢有異議，今云康熙帝欲傳位於允禵，隆科多更改遺詔傳位於朕，是尊允禵而辱朕躬(雍正帝)並辱康熙帝之旨焉……，曾靜、張熙等係朕特旨赦宥之人，彼本地之人若以其貽羞桑梓有嫉惡暗傷者，其治罪亦然即朕之子孫將來亦不得以其詆毀朕躬，而追究誅戮之」。雍正八年（1730年），是年雍正帝本人的論著《大義覺迷錄》一書發行於全國各地。

雍正八年（1730年）五月，雍正帝晉封弘皙繼承父親（前任皇太子）允礽之位：和碩理親王。(當時，其他皇子按照慣例均沒有冊封王爵)

雍正九年（1731年）十二月，依歷朝歷代的慣例，康熙朝漢文諭旨硃批奏摺部份檔案收錄於《聖祖仁皇帝實錄》和《聖祖聖訓》編纂告成。

雍正十一年（1733年）正月，雍正帝預備封只剩兩位皇子王爵時，諭宗人府：「朕幼弟(18歲)允秘，秉心忠厚賦性和平素為皇考（康熙）之所鍾愛，數年以來在宮中讀書學識亦漸增長，朕心嘉悅著封親王。皇四子弘曆(21歲)、皇五子弘晝(21歲)，年歲俱已二十外，亦著封為親王，所有一切典禮著照例舉行」。

雍正十三年（1735年）八月二十二日，雍正皇帝于圓明園病重，皇四子弘曆和皇五子弘晝朝夕侍奉其側。晚上八點，大學士鄂爾泰、大學士張廷玉至雍正皇帝寢室，恭捧上御筆親書曰：『命皇四子寶親王弘曆為皇太子即皇帝位』。二十三日夜子時，雍正帝躺在病床上立皇四子弘曆為皇太子後在圓明園駕崩，時年五十七歲。皇太子弘曆回乾清宮揭開密封遺詔，喻旨：「寶親王皇四子弘曆……聖祖康熙帝於諸孫之中，最為鍾愛……雍正元年八月朕於乾清宮召諸王滿漢大臣入見，面諭以建儲一事……即立弘曆為皇太子之旨也，其後仍封親王者，蓋令備位藩封，諳習政事。……著繼朕登極，即皇帝位。……俾皇太子弘曆成一代之令主……與和親王（弘晝）同氣至親，實為一體……大學士張廷玉器量純全，抒誠供職，其纂修《聖祖仁皇帝實錄》宣力獨多；大學士鄂爾泰誌秉忠貞，才優經濟，……此二人者朕可保其始終不渝。」皇太子弘曆登基，是為乾隆帝。以雍正駕崩前遺命囑託封乾隆皇帝生母熹妃鈕鈷祿氏為皇太后(欠缺冊封熹貴妃和裕妃的金冊或金寶印，《世宗憲皇帝實錄》亦未載冊文)。封和親王弘晝之母耿氏為皇貴太妃。兩名撫育乾隆為皇子時的養母(皇考皇貴妃)及(皇考貴妃)，雍正時期本不封她們太妃，乾隆帝最後晉封她們皇貴太妃。

乾隆帝以西北軍事底定撤除軍機處，軍機處改設總理事務處並兼理軍機事務，總理事務王大臣以這四人：大學士鄂爾泰、大學士張廷玉、莊親王允祿、果親王允禮。原兼任軍機大臣鄂爾泰、張廷玉改在總理事務處。(乾隆2年，准總理事務王大臣解職，復設軍機處，乾隆以總理事務王大臣……入值軍機處)。

雍正十三年（1735年）九月，奉乾隆帝諭旨：「允礽之子弘㬙、弘晥、孫永璥，(不滿6歲)因年尚幼穉，蒙雍正垂慈恩養，仍住宮中，年已長成，雍正原欲賜宅另居尚未降旨，茲朕仰體聖慈為籌畫久遠之計，其應加封王爵，著總理事務王大臣會同內務府定議」。

雍正十三年（1735年）十月，總理事務鄂爾泰恭擬上崇慶皇太后的尊號

雍正十三年（1735年）十二月，乾隆帝下令將曾靜和張熙押往京師凌遲處死，同時宣布《大義覺迷錄》列為全國禁書，停止刊刻，私藏者治罪，在全國範圍內收繳銷毀。

乾隆二年（1737年），乾隆帝開始正式發行《樂善堂全集》。

乾隆三年（1738年）二月，乾隆帝的叔父果親王允禮薨，乾隆帝命年幼的六弟弘曕過繼給允禮的子嗣，且幫助弘曕襲果親王爵位。(雍正時期乾隆三哥弘時獲罪，過繼阿其那允禩的子嗣)

乾隆四年（1739年）十月，乾隆帝諭曰：「理親王弘皙乃允礽之子…雍正皇帝御極，敕封郡王，晉封親王，是朕幫助弘晳的王爵」。對此，弘皙在宗人府聽審時，極力反抗不實供述。而宗人府又查出弘晳的罪是與允祿、弘昇、弘昌、弘晈等私相交結，因此乾隆帝革除弘皙的親王爵位。二十九日，宗人府奏曰：「理親王弘晳因罪革退，其王爵請令何人承襲」。乾隆帝命由弘皙之弟弘㬙遞降繼承允礽之位，封為理郡王。

乾隆四十八年（1783年），乾隆帝特別命人編撰諸多歷史史籍，例如:《欽定古今儲貳金鑒》《欽定皇朝文獻通考》《欽定皇朝通典》…，奉乾隆帝諭旨，均收錄以下：「弘皙縱欲敗度，不克幹蠱，年亦不永，使相繼嗣立，不數年間連遭變故，豈我大清宗社臣民之福乎？是以皇祖康熙有鑒於茲，自允礽既廢不復建儲，迨我皇祖康熙龍馭上賓，傳位雍正紹登大寶，十三年勵精圖治中外肅清……雍正元年，即親書朕名，緘藏於乾清宮正大光明匾內，又另書密封匣，常以隨身。至雍正十三年八月，雍正升遐，朕同爾時大臣等敬謹啟視傳位於朕之御筆，復取出內府緘盒密記，核對吻合……」。

登上皇位

康熙六十一年（1722年）年十一月十三日，康熙聖祖病重時於暢春園召集雍正多位親兄弟：誠親王允祉、淳郡王允祐、貝勒允禩、貝子允禟、敦郡王允䄉、貝子允祹、允祥至御榻前，諭曰：「皇四子胤禛人品貴重深肖朕躬，必能克承大統，著繼朕登基即皇帝位」。康熙死時，包括宮人內侍和內廷行走之大小臣工當時也都在場，並於宣諭完畢七個時辰之後才病逝的，此之後才再次由隆科多負責宣述康熙帝的遺詔。。雍正繼位，任命康熙皇八子允禩、皇十三子允祥、馬齊和隆科多總理事務。

去世

據清朝官方文獻記載，雍正十三年八月二十二日，雍正逝世前晚間時刻，皇四子弘曆、皇五子弘晝兩人皆隨侍在側，雍正帝病情加重時，大學士鄂爾泰、張廷玉恭捧上御筆親書密旨，立皇四子弘曆為太子後，雍正帝就於二十三日夜子時圓明園病逝，享年五十七歲。皇四子弘曆登基繼位，親自命人把生父安葬於清泰陵。。

為政舉措

政治

加強專制

• 軍機處：雍正八年，成立軍機處，當時主要為了緊急應對西北軍情，協助辦理皇帝處理對準噶爾用兵的各種軍務。而軍機處設有軍機大臣，從大學士、尚書、侍郎以及皇親國戚中擔任。 議政王大臣會議與軍機大臣在雍正時期，依然是並存的，並且雙方職責各不盡相同，共同點皆需要處理軍務。只是1792年乾隆當政時，廢除了議政王大臣會議，乾隆以軍機處為主要專一事權。例如雍正時期的首席軍機大臣：怡親王允祥、大學士鄂爾泰。

• 密摺制：雍正還在中央進一步完善密摺制度來監視臣民。

• 清除兄弟：雍正二年四月，明詔訓飭康熙帝皇八子，令王公大臣察其善惡；削康熙帝皇十子爵永遠拘禁之；十二月，康熙帝前廢太子死。雍正三年二月，諭示康熙帝皇八子罪狀；四年正月除宗籍，易名「阿其那」（滿語罵人的話，意義眾說紛紜，有「馱負罪過」、「驅趕犬隻」、「冷凍的魚」等眾說），九月死。雍正三年二月，諭示康熙帝皇九子罪狀，八月革爵；四年五月改名「塞思黑」，八月死。雍正三年二月，諭示康熙皇十子胤誐罪狀。雍正二年七月，命同母弟、康熙帝皇十四子胤禵守陵；三年二月，諭示其罪狀，十二月降爵；四年五月禁錮。雍正六年六月，康熙皇三子胤祉因罪降爵；八年二月復親王爵，五月因康熙皇十三子之喪時「遲到早散，面無戚容」而削爵拘禁。關於雍正帝與親兄弟之間的爭議，請參見:《大義覺迷錄》。

整頓吏治

康熙帝在位晚年，對下屬過度寬縱，導致大清吏治腐敗，官風鬆懈。雍正帝登基後第一項任務就是整頓吏治。一方面雍正帝告誡官員，在給總督的上諭中說：「今之居官者，釣譽以為名，肥家以為實，而曰『名實兼收』，不知所謂名實者果何謂也」，登基一周年時又說到：「朕纘承丕基，時刻以吏治兵民為念」。另一方面完善監督體系，緊抓思想反腐，並注重官員、民眾的思想道德教化，樹立反腐典範。

在整飭吏治的同時又打擊朋黨勢力，他看到朋黨之間各抒政見，妄議朝政，擾亂君父視聽，妨礙堅持既定的政策，認為「朋黨最為惡習」，因此宣稱「將唐宋元明積染之習盡行洗滌」，「務期振數百年頹風，以端治化之本」。

秘密立儲

改善祕密立儲制度，即皇帝在位時不公開宣布太子，而將寫有繼承人名單的一式兩份詔書分別置于乾清宮「正大光明」匾額後和皇帝身邊，待皇帝去世後，宣詔大臣共同拆啟傳位詔書，確立新君。這樣使得皇位繼承辦法制度化，也在一定程度上避免康熙帝晚年諸皇子互相傾軋的局面。

用人方法

雍正初年，重用年羹堯和隆科多。隆科多為吏部尚書、步軍統領，兼理藩院，賜太子太保銜，被雍正尊稱為「舅舅」。顯赫異常，但未過幾年，即被雍正整肅。雍正三年七月削隆科多太保銜；雍正四年正月削職；雍正五年十月廷臣上四十二罪款，下獄，永遠禁錮；雍正七年六月，死於禁所。其較為寵信的四位臣工：李衛（江蘇人）、田文鏡（福建人）、張廷玉（安徽人）、鄂爾泰；李衛和張廷玉為漢人，田文鏡為漢軍的旗人，以民族分，漢族佔了四分之三，足見雍正確實了解也重用漢人。雍正四年十二月，河南、陝西、四川均攤丁銀入地併徵；謝濟世劾田文鏡，被褫職，發赴阿爾泰軍前效力，陸生柟亦以黨援同時遭遣。

整頓旗務

清兵入關以後，國家承平日久，軍備廢弛。而作為大清軍隊主力的八旗兵也是喪失鬥志，特別是在旗的八旗子弟，每日遊手好閒，貪圖享樂。雍正帝對于此情此景對八旗旗務進行了一些整頓，例如：給那些無所事事的旗人分的土地和農具，讓其自力更生，派遣八旗子弟去前線參戰等。

雍正八案

九子奪嫡、胤禔軟禁、年羹堯案、曾靜呂留良案、隆科多案、謝濟世案、陸生楠案、屈大均案。

軍事

年羹堯先後被任命為川陝總督、撫遠大將軍，赴青海征討厄魯特羅卜藏丹津叛亂。

雍正元年三月，封年羹堯三等公；四月命康熙皇十四子留護康熙帝遺體；五月，生母仁壽皇太后死；八月，密封立四子弘曆之上諭於正大光明匾後；十月授年羹堯撫遠大將軍。雍正二年三月，平定青海，進年羹堯為一等公。成為實際的西北王。雍正三年三月，下詔斥責年羹堯，四月調為杭州將軍，六月削太保銜，七月黜為閑散旗員，十二月廷臣上九十二罪款，賜死，斬其子年富。

經濟

康熙末年吏治鬆弛，貪污成風，加上諸王皇族同官僚結黨營私，致使財政經濟從中央到地方混亂不堪，「積弊甚大」。僅戶部就虧空白銀二百多萬兩。面對如此局面雍正帝在稅制上推動「攤丁入畝」，「火耗歸公」，「官紳一體當差納糧」等一系列改革。

同時，設會考府，清查虧空。推廣養廉銀制度，養廉銀不但是一項經濟政策，同時也是清朝前期整頓封建制度的一項綜合改革措施。

文化

雍正帝在位期間還對科舉制度實行了一系列改革，例如：創考差先例，改革選派考官制度；變更考的試內容和重點；增設考試科目，考生的資格限制有所放寬；還創行「朝考」、翻譯翰林 「大考」等複試制，變通一試而定終身的制度；調整用人政策，數途並用，以抑科甲。這些措施的實行力剔積弊的施政作風。

文字獄

雍正時期大興文字獄，以打擊全國各地對皇帝和朝廷散布不實謠言的逆黨，雍正當時懷疑是逆黨所為，此事件甚至波及雍正多位親兄弟、年羹堯和隆科多等多人（汪景祺案和錢名世案）。雍正三年十一月，年貴妃死；十二月斬《西征隨筆》作者汪景祺。雍正四年三月，錢名世以曾投詩年羹堯獲罪，雍正親書「名教罪人」懸其家門，又命文臣作詩文刺惡他。又有人對于隆、年的死因，指出是由于年、隆位重之後過于驕奢、行為不檢，加上結黨營私，觸犯了皇權的大忌，為雍正所不容。但雍正早年過于寵信放縱，隨後又殘酷打擊，被史學家所批評。雍正四年九月，查嗣庭以謗訕下獄，五年五月死，戮屍。

大義覺迷錄

雍正七年五月，曾靜供稱因讀呂留良書而有謀反；十年十二月，治呂留良罪，與兒子呂葆中、門人嚴鴻逵一同戮屍，斬另一兒子呂毅中與門生沈在寬。雍正七年九月，頒行《大義覺迷錄》。湖南漢人曾靜和其門徒張熙受到呂留良華夷之辨思想的影響，因此主要不滿身為「蠻夷」滿人皇帝的統治，並於鄉野間誤信受逆黨指使散布的流言蜚語現任皇帝凶暴等惡名的影響，因此曾靜著作逆書於民間各地宣揚雍正帝篡位和十大不實罪狀。雍正六年（1728年），曾靜和張熙遊說當時的封疆大吏岳鍾琪反清復明，岳鍾琪假裝同意，反過來逮捕此二人。之後在刑部侍郎杭奕祿等的審問下，曾靜表示認罪，並寫了《歸仁錄》表示悔過，後來並收錄兩年來關於此案雍正皇帝本人的上諭，以及曾靜的口供《歸仁錄》，合為《大義覺迷錄》一書。在此書中，雍正帝闡述華夷、正統、君臣、封建等問題，明明白白論述所謂的民族「大一統」觀，並親自駁斥自上位期間所有不實的謠言，為自己的十大罪狀作出進一步解釋和辯白。

雍正十三年（1735年），乾隆帝下令將曾靜和張熙押往京師凌遲處死，同時宣布《大義覺迷錄》列為全國禁書，停止刊刻，私藏者治罪，在全國範圍內收繳銷毀。

蒙古與藏族

雍正二年（1724年）設置西寧辦事大臣，辦事大臣衙門最初設于察罕托洛亥（青海湖東南），後改駐西寧，故乾隆以後又稱為西寧辦事大臣。

雍正五年，在西藏設置駐藏大臣，加強對西藏的控制。

西南各族

廢除西南少數民族原本的土司制度，改用朝廷分發的流官，史稱「改土歸流」，派遣官吏統治，加強對少數民族的統治及同化。

外交

• 嚴厲禁止天主教傳教

• 與俄國訂定《恰克圖條約》

• 海禁問題上，開始嚴格執行海禁，後來考慮到閩地百姓生計困難，同意適當開禁；雍正二年降旨准廣東人移民台灣，但對外洋回來的人民仍有戒心。雍正嚴禁中國商人出海經商，海設置各種障礙，並說道"海禁寧嚴毋寬，余無善策"。在沿海各省的要求下，雖放寬海禁，但仍加以限制盤剝。尤其對久住外國的華僑商販和勞工，「逾期不歸，甘心流移外方，無可憫惜，不許其複回內地」。

社會

雍正帝在位期間還實施「廢除賤籍」一項改革。雍正帝下令為賤民開豁為民，編入正戶，准許置產定居、考試，宣示廢除賤民階級，但影響有限，未能改變社會大眾的歧視風氣，賤民仍然存在，如福州疍民群體較明顯存續到清末，及所謂發功臣暨披甲家為辛者庫。

陵墓

努爾哈赤和皇太極的陵墓位于瀋陽的盛京三陵。清入關後，從順治帝、康熙帝都安葬到北京東邊的遵化縣馬蘭峪皇家陵園，即清東陵。雍正帝另選北京西邊的易縣開闢自己的陵墓，即清西陵。

家族

后妃

雍親王胤禛的妻和妾室皆一起活至雍正帝登基即位後。嫡福晉烏拉那拉氏封為皇后，側福晉年氏封為貴妃， 側福晉李氏封為齊妃，格格鈕祜祿氏封為熹妃，格格宋氏封為懋嬪，格格耿氏封為裕嬪。

後代

滿清貴族缺於子息的人，大都因為出過痘疹天花所傷，假使種痘也無力預防。雍正三年（1725年），患痘疹者居多。奉上諭：「派種痘之醫生令其診視若痘疹科醫生不敷用，著奏請添取特諭」。

雍正帝胤禛即位後，8子4女只剩下四位皇子，其中只有三名皇子活至成年：皇三子弘時（雍正四年，弘時突然獲罪，雍正命皇三子弘時過繼給阿其那允禩的子嗣）、皇四子（乾隆）弘曆、皇五子弘晝。

雍正元年（1723年）三月，雍正皇帝只追贈已逝世皇次女和碩懷恪公主爵位（所有皇子在雍正早中期均不封爵位）。

雍正十一年（1733年）二月，雍正皇子皇女只剩下兩位時：皇四子（乾隆帝）弘曆封和碩寶親王爵位、皇五子弘晝封和碩和親王爵位。

雍正即使擁有眾多妃嬪，但在位十三年之間僅誕育兩名皇子：福沛（夭折）、皇六子弘曕。乾隆三年（1738年）二月乾隆帝令六弟弘曕過繼給已病逝的果親王允禮，然於二十八年後宣判弘曕謀民霸佔財物，弘曕獲罪降封多羅貝勒爵位，永遠停俸。

皇子

養子

雍正帝在宮中特別撫養廢太子允礽多位年幼的子孫。

皇女

養女

雍正朝有永和宮公主及永和宮格格等稱，由於當時世宗的親生女兒皆已離世，此時居住在六宮區域的公主應為其養女。例如：廢太子允礽的女兒，雍正帝特別收為養女。

評價

《清史稿》：聖祖政尚寬仁，世宗以嚴明繼之。論者比於漢之文、景。獨孔懷之誼，疑於未篤。然淮南暴伉，有自取之咎，不盡出於文帝之寡恩也。帝研求治道，尤患下吏之疲睏。有近臣言州縣所入多，宜釐剔。斥之曰：「爾未為州縣，惡知州縣之難？」至哉言乎，可謂知政要矣！

《清世宗實錄》：天表奇偉，隆準頎身，雙耳半垂，目光炯照，音吐洪亮，舉止端凝。……幼耽書詩，博覽弗倦，精究理學之原，旁徹性宗之旨。天章濬發，立就萬言。書法遒雄，妙兼眾體。毎籌度事理，評騭人才，因端竟委，燭照如神。韜略機宜，皆所洞悉。

李氏朝鮮君臣受儒家正統華夷之辨觀念的影響對清國以及清國皇帝的態度多持批評態度，甚至有妖魔化傾向。朝鮮人毫無忌諱地記錄康熙帝的「雌雄眼」容貌，還認為雍正帝貪財愛銀。但是朝鮮使臣李樴親見雍正「氣象英發，語言洪亮」。

英國歷史學家史景遷認為，雍正的父親康熙為政寬鬆，執政末期受儲立之爭所擾且出現典型長壽帝王的統治能力退化現象，雍正即位之初的滿清實已浮現官僚組織膨大腐敗、農民生活水準惡化的危機；由於雍正即位時正處於政治歷練、精神與人格上的成熟階段（45歲），因此得以精準的分析問題並有魄力的作出應對。他的改革同時包含力行整頓與和現實的妥協（如火耗歸公與養廉銀）。雖然史學家黃仁宇認為雍正未能瞭解與解決明清兩代作為內歛式王朝的根本問題，但滿清得以建立起一套繼續運行百年以上仍大致有效的統治體制，而未淪為「立國百年而亡」的異族王朝，此當歸功於雍正一朝的改革。

英國人濮蘭德·白克好司評價雍正：「控御之才，文章之美，亦令人讚揚不值。而批臣下之折，尤有趣味，所降諭旨，洋洋數千言，倚筆立就，事理洞明，可謂非常之才矣」。

中國社科院研究員楊珍認為雍正是一位善于觀察與思考者，其思想的敏銳性以及思維廣度與深度，都超過允禩、允禵等人。

中國歷史學家錢穆認為：「雍正是有名能專制的。他的上一代是康熙。在中國歷史上，康熙也算是一個好皇帝，至於雍正便太專制了。我們現在看他的硃批上諭，就可以看出清代皇帝是如何般統制中國的。在當時，全國各地地方長官一切活動他都知道，大概全國各地，都有他私派的特務人員的。因此許多人的私生活，連家人父子親戚的瑣碎事，都瞞不過他。一切奏章，他都詳細批。他雖精明，同時是獨裁。但他有他的精力，他有他的聰明，中外事，無論大小，旁人還不知道，他已經知道了……不能說皇帝私下決定了，不再給政府行政長官預聞就可辦。這決不能說是一種制度，也不能說它是習慣法，只能說它是法術。為什麼？因為這是純粹出之於私心的。而私心則決不能形成出制度。」。

爭議

即位之謎

雍正皇帝於生前還在位期間，全國各地民間早已經對雍正繼位之謎的談論便不絕于耳。詳見：大義覺迷錄。

從古至今民間多年來有「十改于」和「十改第」的說法，指因為「于」字和「第」字在構做上均含有「十」字，所以雍正把遺詔上「傳位十四子」一句改為「傳位于四子」或「傳位第四子」，進而把皇位繼承權從身為康熙帝第十四個兒子的允禵手上奪去。

「十改于」和「十改第」這兩個說法已被中華民國中央研究院的人員加以否定。他們說清朝時代的官方文書裡如果提及皇族和皇帝的子嗣，文書裡一定會把那人的正式爵位、皇室兄弟之間的排名與名字完整列出。根據中央研究院現在保存的康熙遺詔，雍正在遺詔上被稱為「雍親王皇四子胤禛」。如此類推，如果康熙原本是屬意讓允禵繼位的話，那文書裡則會把允禵寫成「貝勒皇十四子胤禵」，寫法與「雍親王皇四子胤禛」完全不同。

康熙遺詔亦以滿文和蒙文書寫與中文一同的內容。滿文裡，「于」和「十」兩字的寫法完全不同，並沒有矯飾可能。亦有人說「于」字是簡體字，等於繁體字裡的「於」字。因為「於」和「十」寫法差別甚大，所以在更改方面會有難度。

康熙帝傳位雍正帝之徵兆

• 徵兆一：「康熙六十年正月，命皇四子雍親王胤禛、皇十二子貝子胤祹、世子弘晟以御極六十年，告祭永陵、福陵、昭陵。」康熙登基一甲子六十年之重大祭告先祖非同一般，派遣雍親王胤禛主持，豈能不具備重大意義？為何不是派遣支持皇十四子胤禵的皇八子胤禩、皇九子胤禟、皇十子胤䄉？或是皇三子胤祉？

• 徵兆二：康熙御極六十年派雍親王胤禛祭祖此舉，讓廢太子胤礽之師王掞看出端倪，故於三月「大學士王掞密奏請建儲，至是監察御史陶彞、任坪、范長發等人曾疏請建儲，帝不悅，並掞切責之。諸王、大臣奏請治大學士王掞罪，帝赦不治。」這亦可視為康熙安排接班人的佈署跡象之一，畢竟皇十四子胤禵尚且領兵在西北，一旦提早公佈，易生事端。

• 徵兆三：「五月壬戌，命撫遠大將軍胤禵移駐甘州。以年羹堯總督四川陝西，色爾圖署四川巡撫。」康熙以皇四子雍親王胤禛之親信年羹堯箝制皇十四子胤禵的軍後補給已然成形。

• 徵兆四：康熙六十一年四月，「命撫遠大將軍胤禵復往軍前。十月，命雍親王胤禛率弘昇、延信、孫渣齊、隆科多、查弼納、吳爾台察閱京師通州倉廒。」康熙指示由雍親王胤禛親率隆科多、查弼納等眾多京師王公重臣，竟然只為「察閱京師通州倉廒」，已有不尋常跡象。

• 徵兆五：「十一月帝不豫，駐蹕暢春園。命皇四子胤禛恭代祀天。」康熙駕崩前祀天仍然未派皇三子胤祉、皇八子胤禩、皇九子胤禟、皇十子胤䄉代祀，更未召皇十四子胤禵返京，此時康熙意欲傳位於雍親王皇四子胤禛已然十分明顯。

雍正時期大興文字獄，是為了打擊全國各地對雍正皇帝和朝廷散布不實謠言的逆黨，此事件甚至波及多位雍正的親兄弟、雍正重臣隆科多、年羹堯等多人。

雍正三年二月，諭示康熙帝皇八子罪狀；四年正月除宗籍，易名「阿其那」（滿語罵人的話，意義眾說紛紜，有「馱負罪過」、「驅趕犬隻」、「冷凍的魚」等眾說），九月死。康熙帝皇九子胤禟發往西寧。雍正三年二月，諭示康熙帝皇九子罪狀，八月革爵；四年五月改名「塞思黑」（意為「顫抖」，也有人說是「刺傷人的野豬」），八月死。雍正三年二月，諭示康熙皇十子胤䄉罪狀；後被圈禁。雍正二年七月，命同母弟、康熙帝皇十四子胤禵守陵；三年二月，諭示其罪狀，十二月降爵；四年五月禁錮。雍正六年六月，康熙皇三子胤祉因罪降爵；八年二月復親王爵，五月因康熙皇十三子之喪時「遲到早散，面無戚容」而削爵拘禁。皇十二子胤祹被降爵。

死因之謎

鄉野民間流傳著各種雍正皇帝死因。

• 病死：有人認為雍正帝「是中風死去的」。

• 丹藥中毒：近年來由于對清代的檔案進行了大量研究，許多史學工作者認為，雍正吃丹藥中毒致死也有很大可能，而乾隆帝即位後，馬上將圓明園內的煉丹道士和民間術士全部趕出。某些近年與雍正帝有關的電視劇集（例如後宮甄嬛傳）都根據此說法而描述雍正之死因。

軼事典故

個人信仰

雍正帝篤信佛教，熱衷藏傳佛教、漢傳佛教，與密宗的章嘉活佛交往密切；雍正也研究禪宗，精通《金剛經》，並著作佛學書籍數部，為章嘉活佛認可其參透三關，成為中國佛教史上唯一一位自認為已覺悟的皇帝。雍正帝也喜歡道教，常常服食道士的金丹。雍正元年重申禁止天主教，史稱雍正禁教。

喜愛裝扮

雍正皇帝委託宮廷畫師郎世寧，創作一幅《雍正行樂圖》（現存於北京故宮博物院），顯示雍正喜愛打扮成不同年代的各式人物。

早期未即位前（九子奪嫡時期），就曾委託畫師給自己家人畫《春耕圖》進獻給康熙皇帝以表明無爭位之心，後來的乾隆皇帝也有相似的喜好。

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 2.jpg|道袍像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 3.jpg|藏傳佛教袈裟像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 4.jpg|漢裝像（故事原型為東方朔偷桃）

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 5.jpg|漢裝像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 6.jpg|漢裝像

File:Yongzheng Reading.jpg|穿漢裝讀書

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 9.jpg|漢裝像

File:Father and Son. Emperors Qianlong and Yongzhen.jpg|郎世寧平安春信圖 雍正帝與乾隆帝著漢裝像

File:Portraits of the Yongzheng Emperor Enjoying Himself during the 8th lunar month.jpg|身穿漢裝遊戲像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 7.jpg|扮成身穿漢裝的漁夫

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 8.jpg|西式服裝像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes.jpg|蒙古服裝像

File:Emperor Yongzheng.JPG|雍正帝觀書像

影視作品

• 《大內群英》-萬梓良飾

• 《雍正王朝》、《李衛當官》-唐國強飾

• 《康熙微服私訪記》- 郝心飾

• 《刺虎》- 巍子飾

• 《後宮甄嬛傳》-陳建斌飾

• 《步步驚心》吳奇隆飾

• 《年羹堯新傳》黃香蓮飾

註釋

Birth and early life

Yinzhen was the eleventh recorded son of the Kangxi Emperor, and the fourth prince to survive into adulthood. His mother, historically known as Empress Xiaogongren, was originally a court attendant from the Manchu Uya clan. Around the time when Yinzhen was born, his mother was of low status and did not have the right to raise her own children. For most of his childhood, Yinzhen was raised by Noble Consort Tong, the daughter of Tong Guowei, the Kangxi Emperor's maternal uncle and an eminent official in the early part of the Kangxi Emperor's reign. She died when Yinzhen was just 9 years old. After she gave birth to more children, Yinzhen's mother was promoted to a pin and then to a fei, and became known as defei or "Virtuous Consort". The Kangxi Emperor did not raise his children only inside the palace. He also exposed his sons (including Yinzhen) to the outside world and gave them a rigorous education. Yinzhen accompanied his father on several inspection trips around the Beijing area, as well as one further south. He became the honorary leader of the Plain Red Banner during the Battle of Jao Modo between the Qing Empire and the Mongol Dzungar Khanate led by Galdan Khan. Yinzhen was made a beile in 1689 along with several brothers and promoted to junwang (second-rank prince) in 1698.

In 1709, the Kangxi Emperor stripped his second son Yinreng of his position as crown prince. Yinreng had been the crown prince for his whole life; his removal left the position of heir open to competition among the Emperor's remaining sons (the Kangxi Emperor had 24 sons who reached adulthood). In the same year, the Kangxi Emperor promoted Yinzhen from junwang to qinwang (first-rank prince) under the title "Prince Yong of the First Rank" (和碩雍親王 Héshuò Yōng Qīnwáng; Manchu: hošoi hūwaliyasun cin wang). Yinzhen maintained a low profile during the initial stages of the succession struggle. To appoint a new heir, the Kangxi Emperor decreed that officials in his imperial court would nominate a new crown prince. The Kangxi Emperor's eighth son, Yinsi, was the candidate preferred by the majority of the court as well as many of the Kangxi Emperor's other sons. The Kangxi Emperor, however, opted not to appoint Yinsi as his heir apparent largely due to apprehension that Yinsi's political clout at court was beginning to overshadow that of himself. Thereafter, Yinzhen sensed that his father was in favour of re-instating Yinreng as heir apparent, thus he supported Yinreng and earned the trust of his father.

Yongzhengs quote

Yinzhen (胤禛: 13 December 1678 – 8 October 1735) had the highest honor to orchestrate the imperial ceremonies and rituals during the reign of the Kangxi emperor, which illustrated that Yinzhen was well acquainted with the Confucianism traditions and customs. In the imperial court, Yinzhen was also deeply immersed in the state's affairs and heavily engaged in the political debates where he acquired diplomatic skills. As the Yongzheng Emperor (雍正: r. 1723–1735 CE) of Qing China, Yinzhen was indubitably a very diplomatically inclined ruler who created an institution of a "moral government" based on the Confucian principles. Yinzhen sought four distinctive qualities: loyalty—忠, fairness—公, sincerity—, and capability—能, from his subjects in order to run an effective court and to achieve stability. Li Wei ( : February 2, 1687 – December 3, 1738) was a recruit among the Qing officials to possess the desired virtues, and was regarded highly by Yongzheng.

A notable quote from Yinzhen captured during his reign as the Yongzheng Emperor in the 1720s expresses his imperial will:

:— page 190, lines 7–10

If it is a trivial matter, do not just simply neglect the issue because it seems insignificant. If it is a complex matter, do not just simply conceal away the issue because it could become a challenge. To have good governance and dissuade seditionists, is all in the ruler's wish. If the civilians see a judicious court that is loyal and wholeheartedly for the country, and see that the court embraces its people; and the civilians feel the virtue in their court marshalls, then the people would not perceive the court as a threat. Thus, there would be no reason to have seditionaries.

In short, after several years of political chaos, Yongzheng earnestly strived to restore a functional court with "good government", immediately after he ascended the throne in 1723 CE, to stabilize Qing into a unified and harmonious empire. In 1733 CE, Yongzheng successfully institutionalized the Grand Council, which allows Qing to relay communication effectively and efficiently from region to region, thereby enabling the implementation of his domestic reform policy.

With the establishment of his Grand Council, Yongzheng was not only able to discourage corruption, but he was in a position to launch several domestic reforms beneficial to the empire and its people. Canals and irrigation systems were reconstructed to support agriculture and maintain farmlands. During famines, he provided relief to the affected regions by distributing resources. In reparation to the people, who were the backbone of the country, he issued an imperial decree to emancipate slavery under his reign. One of the several tax reform policies Yongzheng introduced was to shift the head taxation to the property taxation on landowners, which greatly reduced the tax burden on the civilians. Additionally, Yongzheng was indeed in full support with the construction of orphanages to shelter the orphans, in building elementary schools to educate the children, and poorhouses to house the paupers. Perhaps the Yongzheng era (雍正: r. 1723–1735 CE) may have been overshadowed by his predecessor's accomplishments, the Kangxi emperor, and his achievements may not have been as glorious as his successor, the Qianlong emperor; however, the Yongzheng era did serve as a remediation to the people, and resentments began to gradually decrease. Hence the Yongzheng era was a peaceful and prosperous reign of Qing China.

Succession

In 1712, the Kangxi Emperor deposed Yinreng again, and chose not to designate an heir apparent for the remaining years of his reign. This resulted in stiff competition among his sons for the position of crown prince. Those considered 'frontrunners' were Yinzhi, Yinsi, and Yinti (the third, eighth and 14th princes, respectively). Of these, Yinsi received the most support from the Mandarins, but not from his father. Yinzhen had supported Yinreng as heir, and did not build a large political base for himself until the final years of the Kangxi Emperor's reign. Unlike Yinsi's high-profile cultivation of a partisan base of support, Yinzhen did so largely away from the limelight. When the Kangxi Emperor died in December 1722, the field of contenders shrank to three princes after Yinsi pledged his support to the 14th prince, Yinti.

At the time of the Kangxi Emperor's death, Yinti, who held the appointment of Border-Pacification General-in-Chief, was leading a military campaign in northwestern China. Some historians believe that Yinti's appointment implied that the Kangxi Emperor favoured Yinti and was grooming him for succession by sending him on a campaign to train him in military affairs. Others, however, maintain that the Kangxi Emperor intended to keep Yinti away from the capital to ensure a peaceful succession for Yinzhen. It was Yinzhen who nominated Yinti for the post, not Yinsi, with whom Yinti was closely affiliated.

Official court records state that on 20 December 1722 the ailing Kangxi Emperor called seven of his sons and the general commandant of the Beijing gendarmerie, Longkodo, to his bedside. Longkodo read the will and declared that Yinzhen would be the Kangxi Emperor's successor. Some evidence has suggested that Yinzhen contacted Longkodo months before the will was read in preparation for his succession through military means, although in their official capacities frequent encounters were expected.

Disputes over succession

There is a widely circulated legend, persisting even to the present day, that Yinzhen was crowned emperor after he modified Kangxi Emperor's final will that detailed who will succeed him.

There are two versions of the legend, both of which involves the Chinese character "十" ( shí, literally ten), and by extension, Yunti, Prince Xun. One version involves changing the "十" in the phrase "transfer the throne to the Fourteenth Prince" to "于" ( yú), which changed the phrase to "pass the throne on to the Fourth Prince" ). Another version states the character "十" was changed to "第" ( dì), which means "sequence number" (四 = four, 第四 = the fourth / number four), thus changing the phrase to "transfer the throne to the Fourth Prince".

Researchers at Academia Sinica have disproved the theory, as official Qing documents, when mentioning sons of the Emperor, always list the son's title, as well as the son's rank amongst the emperor's sons and the son's name. In this case, the will mentions "Prince Yong, Emperor's Fourth Son, Yinzhen", as well as Kangxi Emperor's high regards for Yinzhen, and his belief that Yinzhen can succeed on the throne. In this case, changing the will becomes impossible without leaving obvious signs of alteration, since Yinti, if referenced in the will, would show up as the Emperor's fourteenth son, which contains four Chinese characters instead of three for Yinzhen, as the Emperor's fourth son.

It has also been noted that the Chinese character "于" is a simplified character that is written as "於" in traditional character, which was exclusively used back in the Qing era.

In addition, the will is written in Traditional Chinese, Manchu, and Mongolian. The alteration theory is noted to be based solely on altering the will's Chinese version, as the will, as written in Manchu and Mongolian, is impossible to alter due to different language characteristics.

Reign

After ascending the throne in December 1722, Yinzhen adopted the era name "Yongzheng" ( lit. "Harmonious Justice") in 1723 from his peerage title "yong" ( lit. "harmonious") and "zheng" ( lit. "just, correct, upright"). It has been suggested that the second character of his era name was an attempt to cover up his illegal claim to the throne by calling himself "justified". Immediately after succeeding to the throne, the Yongzheng Emperor chose his new governing council. It consisted of the eighth prince Yinsi, 13th prince Yinxiang, Zhang Tingyu, Ma Qi, and Longkodo. Yinsi was given the title "Prince Lian" while Yinxiang was given the title "Prince Yi", and these two held the highest positions in the land.

Continued battle against princes

The nature of his succession remained a subject of controversy and overshadowed the Yongzheng Emperor's reign. As many of his surviving brothers did not see his succession as legitimate, the Yongzheng Emperor became increasingly paranoid that they would plot to overthrow him. The earlier players in the battle for succession, Yinzhi, the eldest, and Yinreng, the former crown prince, continued to live under house arrest. Yinreng died two years after the Yongzheng Emperor's reign began.

The Yongzheng Emperor continued to perceive Yinsi and his party, consisting of the princes Yintang, Yin'e, Yinti, and their associates, as his greatest political challenge in the early years of his reign. To diffuse their political clout, the Yongzheng Emperor undertook a 'divide and conquer' strategy. Immediately after ascending the throne, the emperor bestowed on Yinsi the title "Prince Lian", nominally of the highest noble rank. Yinsi was also then appointed as the Minister of the Lifan Yuan (Feudatory Affairs Office) and the top-ranking member of the imperial council assisting the Yongzheng Emperor; some historians believe his position at the time was essentially that of a "Chancellor or Prime Minister". By ostensibly elevating Yinsi to a more prominent political role, the Yongzheng Emperor held Yinsi under close watch and kept him busy with affairs of state, reducing the chance of him conducting behind-the-scenes political maneuvers. Yinsi's allies received notably different treatment. Yintang was sent to Qinghai under the pretext of military service, but in reality was watched over by the Yongzheng Emperor's trusted protégé, Nian Gengyao. Yin'e, the tenth prince, was told to leave the capital to send off a departing Mongol prince, but since he refused to complete this trip as the emperor commanded, the Yongzheng Emperor stripped him of all his titles in May 1724 and sent him north to Shunyi to languish in solitude.

The 14th prince, Yinti, born to the same mother as the Yongzheng Emperor, was recalled to Beijing from his military post. The emperor selected Nian Gengyao to replace Yinti as the commander of the northwestern expeditionary force. Yinti, who expected to be placed on the throne himself, was reluctant to recognise the Yongzheng Emperor's succession as legitimate. Yinti was accused of violating imperial decorum at the funeral proceedings of the late emperor, and placed under house arrest by the Yongzheng Emperor at the imperial tombs in western Beijing. Historians believe that their mother, Empress Dowager Renshou, favoured Yinti partly because she raised him herself, while she did not raise the Yongzheng Emperor. Nonetheless the increasingly sharp conflict between her two surviving sons caused their mother great sorrow. She died less than six months after the Kangxi Emperor.

By forcibly dispatching Yinsi's party to separate locations geographically, the Yongzheng Emperor made it extremely inconvenient for his rivals to link up and conspire against him. While some of Yinsi's subordinates were appointed to high office, others were demoted or banished, making it difficult for Yinsi's party to maintain the same set of partisan interests. The Yongzheng Emperor publicly reprimanded Yinsi in 1724 for mishandling an assignment, eventually removing him from office and then sending him into house arrest. Yinsi was forced to rename himself "Acina", a derogatory slur in the Manchu language. The emperor also confiscated the assets of Yintang and Yin'e.

Descendants of the Ming dynastys imperial family

In 1725, the Yongzheng Emperor bestowed a hereditary marquis title on Zhu Ming in line with his father Kang Xi emperor wish of a Manchu—Han population integration, a descendant of the imperial family of the Ming dynasty. Zhu was also paid by the Qing government to perform rituals at the Ming tombs and induct the Chinese Plain White Banner into the Eight Banners. Later in 1750, during the reign of the Yongzheng Emperor's successor, the Qianlong Emperor, Zhu Ming was posthumously honoured as "Marquis of Extended Grace". The marquis title was passed on to Zhu's descendants for 12 generations until the end of the Qing dynasty in the early 20th century.

Nian Gengyao and Longkodo

Nian Gengyao was a supporter of the Yongzheng Emperor long before the latter ascended the throne. In 1722, when he was recalling his brother Yinti from the northwest border in Xinjiang, the Yongzheng Emperor appointed Nian as the commander of the Qing army in Xinjiang. The situation in Xinjiang at the time was volatile, and a strong general was needed in the area. After several military conquests, however, Nian's stature and power grew. Some said he began seeing himself as equal to the emperor. Seeing Nian as no longer within his control, the Yongzheng Emperor issued an imperial edict demoting Nian to the position of a general of the Hangzhou Command. As Nian continued to remain unrepentant, he was eventually given an ultimatum and forced to commit suicide by consuming poison in 1726.

Longkodo was the commander of the militias stationed at the capital at the time of the Yongzheng Emperor's succession. He fell in disgrace in 1728 and died while under house arrest.

After taking the throne, the Yongzheng Emperor suppressed writings he deemed unfavorable to his court, particularly those with an anti-Manchu bias. Foremost among these were those of Zeng Jing, an unsuccessful degree candidate heavily influenced by the 17th-century scholar Lü Liuliang. Zeng had been so affected by what he read that he attempted to incite the governor-general of Shaanxi-Sichuan, Yue Zhongqi (a descendant of anti-Jurchen General Yue Fei), to rebel against the Qing government. Yue Zhongqi promptly turned him in, and in 1730 news of the case reached the Yongzheng Emperor. Highly concerned with the implications of the case, the emperor had Zeng Jing brought to Beijing for trial. The emperor's verdict seemed to demonstrate a Confucian sovereign's benevolence: He ascribed Zeng's actions to the gullibility and naïveté of a youth taken in by Lü Liuliang's abusive and overdrawn rhetoric. In addition, the emperor suggested that Lü Liuliang's original attack on the Manchus was misplaced, since they had been transformed by their long-term exposure to the civilising force of Confucianism.

The Yongzheng Emperor is also known for establishing a strict autocratic-style rule during his reign. He detested corruption, and punished officials severely when they were found guilty of an offense. In 1729, he issued an edict prohibiting the smoking of madak, a blend of tobacco and opium. The Yongzheng Emperor's reign saw the Qing dynasty further establish itself as a powerful empire in Asia. He was instrumental in extending what became known as a "Kangqian Period of Harmony" (; cf. Pax Romana). In response to the tragedy of the succession struggle during his father's reign, the Yongzheng Emperor created a sophisticated procedure for choosing a successor. He was known for his trust in Mandarin officials. Li Wei and Tian Wenjing governed China's southern areas with the assistance of Ortai.

Cultural and economic achievements

Farming and land tax

During the massive population growth in the Qing dynasty and increasing demand from peasant and military populations for grain, the Yongzheng emperor launched a grain campaign in which he incentivized officials in local and provincial governments to compete in buying land meant specifically for farming. The Yongzheng emperor offered officials 5-10 year tax holidays in which they were free from paying taxes. This campaign led to more than one million new acres of farmable land. While these campaigns led to more food and land for the population to use for farming, it also led to officials lying about the amount of farmable land they were contributing in order to win the tax holidays. These tax holidays also pushed the burden of paying the taxes elsewhere.

Local charity

Ethnicity in Qing China could vary depending on where one was from even locally in China. This ethnic separation along with the booming population led to reduced access to the Civil Service Examinations based on ethnicity and locality. The Yongzheng emperor, in an attempt to allow for as many people to take the Civil Service Examination as possible, set up special exams for people in rural China. These special exams were called Miao exams and were located in Yunnan. In the 1730s, landholding shed people such as the Hakka were still not allowed to take the exams, Yongzheng made it legal for these people to take the exams in an attempt to dispel anger at being excluded from the exams.

A growing number of orphaned children or poor families came with the massive Qing population growth. The Yongzheng emperor sought to remedy this by mandating that orphanages (also called poor houses) be built in every county. These were funded not by local, provincial or high level government but privately funded and maintained. These orphanages existed less to help the local population get out of poverty and more to model how wealthy officials should act towards the impoverished populations.

Gentry privileges

The Kangxi Emperor mandated that scholars that had passed the Civil Service Examination at any level were able to bypass punishments from the legal system depending on which level of the exams they had passed. Instead of legal repercussions for crimes, criminal officials were instead recommended to the county education commissioner for counseling. This led to corruption among officials who were no longer bound by law. In an attempt to stop this the Yongzheng emperor made it illegal to offer privileges to officials going through the legal system. This did not last long as the Qianlong Emperor reinstated legal privileges for officials that had passed the Civil Service Examination shortly after becoming emperor after Yongzheng.

Tax privileges

In the mid 1720s Qing empire, complex levels of tax hierarchies put in place by the Kangxi emperor existed to separate the population into different tax brackets. Households with government officials were in privileged tax brackets that brought with it tax exemptions for not only the immediate family in the household but also extended family members. The Yongzheng emperor removed these privileged tax brackets as he saw the local gentry as competition to the throne. Just like the legal privileges that passing the Civil Service Examination offered, soon after the end of the Yongzheng emperor's reign, the Qianlong emperor quickly reinstated the privileged tax brackets.

Religious policy

Growing distrust of Jesuit missionaries by the Kangxi emperor and later Yongzheng in the early 1720s led to prohibition and action against the Christian presence in China. The Kangxi emperor had banned foreign missions (outside of Beijing and Guangzhou), and Yongzheng took this one step further by removing all foreign priests from China. All Christian churches were shut down and repurposed as local public offices.

Cohong

Chinese merchant houses belonging to Canton station were grouped together under a larger organization by Yongzheng called Cohong in 1725. This group was responsible for policing all trade within the Canton system.

Meltage fees and silver

As silver became more widely used as a currency in Qing china, the validity and purity of the currency being exchanged had to be verified. Silver taels were sent to official appraisers to do the job of verification. During the appraisal some silver was lost in the process, this lost silver must be covered by the payer. This extra charge on the lost silver became known as a meltage fee. These meltage fees were a very important source of income for local governments. It became practice to bribe appraisers to avoid meltage fees. Yongzheng attempted to ban all bribing to avoid these fees and also officially mandated meltage fees as a source of local income. These mandates helped silver become a major part of the Qing economy.

Expansion in the northwest

Like his father, the Yongzheng Emperor used military force in order to preserve the Qing Empire's position in Outer Mongolia. When Tibet was torn by civil war in 1727–1728, he intervened. After withdrawing, he left a Qing Resident (the amban) and a military garrison to safeguard the dynasty's interests.

On 1 November 1728, after the Qing reconquest of Lhasa in Tibet, several Tibetan rebels were sliced to death by Qing Manchu officers and officials. The Qing Manchu President of the Board of Civil Office, Jalangga, Mongol sub-chancellor Sen-ge and brigadier-general Manchu Mala ordered the Tibetan rebels Lum-pa-nas and Na-p'od-pa to be sliced to death. They ordered gZims-dpon C'os-ac'ad (Hsi-mu-pen ch'ui-cha-t'e), son of Lum-pa-nas and rNog Tarqan bsKal-bzajn-c'os-adar and dKon-mc'og-lha-sgrub (Kun-ch'u-k'o-la-ku-pu) and dGa'-ldan-p'un-ts'ogs (K'a-erh-tan-p'en-ch'u-k'o), sons of Na-p'od-pa to be beheaded. Byams-pa (Cha-mu-pa) and his brother Lhag-gsan (La-k'o-sang) and their brothers, younger and older, daughters, wives and mother were exiled after their father sByar-ra-nas was beheaded. The Manchus wrote that they "set an example" by forcing the Tibetans to publicly watch the executions of Tibetan rebels of slicing like Na-p'od-pa since they said it was the Tibetan's nature to be cruel. The exiled Tibetans were enslaved and given as slaves to soldiers in Ching-chou (Jingzhou), K'ang-zhou (Kangzhou) and Chiang-ning (Jiangning) in the marshall-residences there. The Tibetan rNam-rgyal-grva-ts'an college administrator (gner-adsin) and sKyor'lun Lama were tied together with Lum-pa-nas and Na-p'od-pa on 4 scaffolds (k'rims-sin) to be sliced. The Manchus used musket matchlocks to fire 3 salvoes and then the Manchus strangled the 2 Lamas while slacing (Lingchi) Lum-pa-nas and Na-p'od-pa to death while they beheaded the 13 other rebels leaders. The Tibetan population was depressed by the scene and the writer of MBTJ continued to feel sad as he described it 5 years later. All relatives of the Tibetan rebels including little children were executed by the Qing Manchus except the exiled and deported family of sByar-ra-ba which was condemned to be slaves and most exiles sentenced to deportation died in the process of deportation. The public executions spectacle worked on the Tibetans since they were "cowed into submission" by the Qing. Even the Tibetan collaborator with the Qing, Polhané Sönam Topgyé (P'o-lha-nas) felt sad at his fellow Tibetans being executed in this manner and he prayed for them. All of this was included in a report sent to the Qing emperor at the time, the Yongzheng Emperor. Qing Han Chinese general Yue Zhongqi interviewed the Tibetan collaborator with the Qing, Polhané Sönam Topgyé (P'o-lha-nas) concerning his involvement in crushing the Tibetan rebels and sent a report to the Qing Yongzheng emperor on 17 August 1728.

For the Tibetan campaign, the Yongzheng Emperor sent an army of 230,000 led by Nian Gengyao against the Dzungars and their army of 80,000. Due to geography, the Qing army (although superior in numbers) was at first unable to engage their more mobile enemy. Eventually, they engaged the Dzungars and defeated them. This campaign cost the treasury at least eight million silver taels. Later in the Yongzheng Emperor's reign, he sent a small army of 10,000 to fight the Dzungars again. However, that army was annihilated and the Qing Empire faced the danger of losing control of Mongolia. A Khalkha ally of the Qing Empire would later defeat the Dzungars.

Following the reforms of 1729, the treasury's income increased from 32,622,421 taels in 1721 to about 60 million taels in 1730, surpassing the record set during the Kangxi Emperor's reign; but the pacification of the Qinghai area and the defence of border areas were heavy burdens on the treasury. Safeguarding the country's borders cost 100,000 taels per year. The total military budget came up to about 10 million taels a year. By the end of 1735, military spending had depleted half the treasury, leaving 33.95 million taels. It was because of the cost of war that the Yongzheng Emperor considered making peace with the Dzungars.

Identification of Qing with China

Since the Shunzhi Emperor's time, the Qing emperors had identified China and the Qing Empire as the same, and in treaties and diplomatic papers the Qing Empire called itself "China". During the Kangxi and Yongzheng emperors' reigns, "China" (Dulimbai Gurun in Manchu) was used as the name of the Qing Empire in official Manchu language documents, identifying the Qing Empire and China as the same entity, with "Dulimbai Gurun" appearing in 160 official diplomatic papers between the Qing Empire and the Russian Empire. The term "China" was redefined by the Qing emperors to be a multi-ethnic entity which included non-Han Chinese ethnic groups and their territories. China and Qing were noticeably and increasingly equated with each other during the Qianlong Emperor's reign, with the Qianlong Emperor and the Qing government writing poems and documents using both the Chinese name Zhongguo and the Manchu name Dulimbai Gurun. Compared to the reigns of previous Qing emperors such as the Yongzheng and Kangxi emperors, the use of China to refer to the Qing Empire appears most during the Qianlong Emperor's reign, according to scholars who examined documents on Sino-Russian relations.

The Yongzheng Emperor spoke out against the claim by anti-Qing rebels that the Qing were only rulers of Manchus and not China, saying "The seditious rebels claim that we are the rulers of Manchus and only later penetrated central China to become its rulers. Their prejudices concerning the division of their and our country have caused many vitriolic falsehoods. What these rebels have not understood is the fact that it is for the Manchus the same as the birthplace is for the people of the central plain. Shun belonged to the Eastern Yi, and King Wen to the Western Yi. Does this fact diminish their virtues?" (

Religion

Commoners throughout Qing China were extremely diverse and multi-ethnic because not every region underwent sinification under the Manchu's suzerain. In accordance to the Book of Rites, Manchus of Qing chose to respect the local's cultural heritage and decided not to force their subject to acculturate and sinicize. Manchus of Qing acknowledged that each region has the prerogative to preserve their identity, heritage, and cultural tradition and their religious faith. Hence, each regions were allowed to keep their belief and way of worshipping the heavens. On the other hand, since the commoners preserved their ways, Qing, Yongzheng in particular, highly encourages that Manchu elites should also preserve their ethnic identity and their distinctive ways of worshipping the heaven as well. The Yongzheng Emperor stated: "The Lord of Heaven is Heaven itself.... In the empire we have a temple for honouring Heaven and sacrificing to Him. We Manchus have Tiao Tchin. The first day of every year we burn incense and paper to honor Heaven. We Manchus have our own particular rites for honouring Heaven; the Mongols, Chinese, Russians, and Europeans also have their own particular rites for honouring Heaven. I have never said that he a son of Sunu could not honour heaven but that everyone has his way of doing it. As a Manchu, Urcen should do it like us." Evidently, the Qing state practiced various religions, which was similar to the previous dynasty, the Ming. During the Ming, in the mid 1580s an Italian Jesuit, Matteo Ricci not only studied the Chinese language to understand the people and the Chinese culture, he also delved into the Confucian classics and adopted the scholar's official-literati robe during his stay near the Canton trading province. Introducing China to his religious faith was in Matteo Ricci's mission, and he successfully built a church in 1601 at Beijing, called Cathedral of Immaculate Conception. Johann Adam Schall von Bell, who was a German Jesuit, went to China in 1619, learned the Chinese language in 1623 in Macau, and was later appointed into the Imperial Astronomical Bureau in 1630 by the Ming, even after the fall of Ming to the rise of Qing, Schall's presence was welcomed by the Manchu of Qing and was appointed as the head of the Imperial Astronomical Bureau. The accounts of Matteo establishing the institution of his Church during the Ming dynasty and Jesuits such as Schall who was able to acquire a bureaucratic position in the Qing's court was evident that China at one point did welcome things beyond its borders, such as religious faith that was brought by the missionaries, for instance. Even though the Catholic churches condemned the practice of the Chinese rites in 1645 throughout China, Catholic missionaries continued their practice until the Rites Controversy was concluded in 1742 CE.

The Yongzheng Emperor was firmly against Christian converts among the Manchus. He warned them that the Manchus must follow only the Manchu way of worshipping Heaven since different peoples worshipped Heaven differently.

In 1724, the Yongzheng Emperor issued a decree proscribing Catholicism. This was followed by the persecution of Chinese Christians that steadily increased during the reign of the Yongzheng Emperor's son, the Qianlong Emperor.

Ancestral worship was understood as the Chinese customary tradition rather than a religious ritual. However, since the Catholic Churches condemns the Chinese rites and the decision by the "Church to ban the acceptance of the Chinese rites by the Jesuits" in Qing China, because the Church deemed the practice to be incompatible with the Catholic faith, led to the missionary banishment by Qianlong in 1742 CE as a response to the Catholic Churches' decision.

Death and succession

The Yongzheng Emperor ruled the Qing Empire for 13 years before dying suddenly in 1735 at the age of 56. Legend holds that he was assassinated by Lü Siniang, a daughter or granddaughter of Lü Liuliang, whose family was executed for literary crimes against the Qing government. Another theory was that Lü Siniang was the Yongzheng Emperor's lover, and the real mother of the Qianlong Emperor, but he refused to let her become the empress.

It is generally accepted that he died while reading court documents, and it is likely that his death was the result of elixir poisoning from an overdose of the elixir of immortality he was consuming in the belief that it would prolong his life. According to Zhang Tingyu, Yongzheng on his deathbed exhibited symptoms of poisoning, and in the wake of his death, his successor the Qianlong emperor evicted all Taoist priests from the palace, possibly as punishment for this incident.

To prevent a succession crisis like he had faced, the Yongzheng Emperor was said to have ordered his third son Hongshi (an ally of Yinsi) to commit suicide. He also devised a system for his successors to choose their heirs in secret. He wrote his chosen successor's name on two scrolls, placed one scroll in a sealed box and had the box stored behind the stele in the Qianqing Palace. He kept the other copy with him or hid it. After his death, the officials would compare the scroll in the box with the copy he had kept. If they were deemed identical, the person whose name was on the paper would be the new emperor.

The Yongzheng Emperor was interred in the Western Qing tombs southwest of Beijing, in the Tai (泰) mausoleum complex (known in Manchu as the Elhe Munggan). His fourth son Hongli, then still known as "Prince Bao (of the First Rank)", succeeded him as the Qianlong Emperor. The Qianlong Emperor rehabilitated many figures who had been purged during his father's reign, including restoring honours to many of his uncles who were formerly his father's rivals in the succession struggle.

Family

Parents

Father —Xuanye, the Kangxi Emperor (康熙帝) of the Aisin Gioro clan (愛新覺羅)

Mother —Empress Xiaogongren (孝恭仁皇后) of the Uya clan (烏雅氏)

Consorts and Issue

Empress

• Empress Xiaojingxian (孝敬憲皇后) of the Ula-Nara clan (烏拉那拉). Personal Name: Duoqimuli (烏拉那拉), Third cousin once removed.Tenure as Empress: 28 March 1723 – 29 October 1731

　• Honghui, Prince Duan of the First Rank (端親王 弘暉; 17 April 1697 – 7 July 1704), first son

• Empress Xiaoshengxian (孝聖憲皇后) of the Niohuru clan (鈕祜祿)

　• Hongli (弘曆), the Qianlong Emperor (乾隆帝), fifth (fourth) son

Imperial Noble Consort

• Imperial Noble Consort Dunsu (敦肅皇貴妃) of the Nian clan (年)Tenure as Imperial Noble Consort: 19–27 December 1725.

　• Fourth daughter (15 April 1715 – June/July 1717)

　• Fuyi (福宜; 30 June 1720 – 9 February 1721), seventh son

　• Fuhui, Prince Huai of the First Rank (懷親王 福惠; 27 November 1721 – 11 October 1728), eighth son

　• Fupei (福沛; 12 June 1723), ninth son

• Imperial Noble Consort Chunque (純愨皇貴妃) of the Geng clan (耿氏)

　• Hongzhou, Prince Hegong of the First Rank (和恭親王 弘晝; 5 January 1712 – 2 September 1770), sixth (fifth) son

Consort

• Consort Qi (齊妃) of the Li clan ( 李氏)

　• Princess Huaike of the Second Rank (和碩懷恪公主; 15 August 1695 – April/May 1717), second daughter. Married Xingde (星德; d. 1739) of the Manchu Nara clan in September/October 1712

　• Hongfen (弘昐; 19 July 1697 – 30 March 1699), second son

　• Hongyun (弘昀; 19 September 1700 – 10 December 1710), third (second) son

　• Hongshi (弘時; 18 March 1704 – 20 September 1727), fourth (third) son

• Consort Ning (寧妃)of the Wu clan ( 武氏), Personal Name: Lingyuan (令媛)

• Consort Qian (謙妃) of the Liugiya clan (劉氏), Personal Name: Xiangyu (香玉)

　• Hongyan, Prince Guogong of the Second Rank (果恭郡王 弘曕; 9 May 1733 – 27 April 1765), tenth (sixth) son

Imperial Concubine

• Imperial Concubine Mao (懋嬪) of the Song clan (宋氏)

　• First daughter (10 April 1694 – April/May 1694)

　• Third daughter (8 January 1707 – January/February 1707)

Ancestry

In fiction and popular culture

• The Yongzheng Emperor appears in the flying guillotine-themed wuxia films produced by the Shaw Brothers Studio.

• The Yongzheng Emperor is mentioned in the wuxia novel Ernü Yingxiong Zhuan (兒女英雄傳) by Wenkang (文康). It was adapted into the 1983 Hong Kong television series The Legend of the Unknowns (十三妹) and the 1986 Chinese film Lucky 13 (侠女十三妹).

• A popular legend tells of the Yongzheng Emperor's death at the hands of a female assassin, Lü Siniang (呂四娘), a fictitious granddaughter (or daughter, in some accounts) of Lü Liuliang. She committed the murder to avenge her grandfather (or father), who was wrongly put to death by the emperor. The legend was adapted into many films and television series.

• There are two legends about the origins of the Yongzheng Emperor's son and successor, Hongli (the Qianlong Emperor). The first, more widely circulated in southern China, says that Hongli is actually the son of Chen Shiguan (陳世倌), an official from Haining, Zhejiang. Shortly after he was born, Hongli switched places with one of the Yongzheng Emperor's daughters, was raised as the emperor's son, and eventually inherited the throne. The wuxia writer Louis Cha adapted this legend for his novel The Book and the Sword. The second legend about the Qianlong Emperor's origins, more popular in northern China, stated that during a trip to the Mulan Hunting Grounds (木蘭圍場) in Rehe Province, the Yongzheng Emperor had an illegitimate affair with a palace maid and they conceived a son, who became the Qianlong Emperor.

• The Yongzheng Emperor is featured as an important character in Tong Hua's novel Bu Bu Jing Xin and he had a romantic relationship with the protagonist, Ma'ertai Ruoxi. He is referred to as the "Fourth Prince" in the novel. Taiwanese actor Nicky Wu portrayed the Fourth Prince in Scarlet Heart, a 2011 Chinese television series adapted from the novel.

• The Yongzheng Emperor appears in the romance fantasy novel series Meng Hui Da Qing (梦回大清) by Yaoye (妖叶).