Background

Born Ngo Tuan

Lý Thường Kiệt was born in Thăng Long (now Hanoi), the capital of Đại Việt (ancient Vietnam). His real name was Ngô Tuấn. His father was a low-ranking military officer. He was originally from Thái Hòa ward (太和坊) of Thăng Long citadel. According to Hoàng Xuân Hãn, Thái Hòa was also the name of a small mountain in the west of Thăng Long citadel, south of the Bách Thảo dike, near the place turn down to the horse racing. Lý Thường Kiệt surname was not originally Lý, because he was given the royal surname. As for his original surname, there are now two major controversial theories:

• Ngô surname: This theory is based on "Genealogy of the Vietnamese Ngô family" and "Thần phổ Lý Thường Kiệt" written by Nhữ Bá Sĩ in the Nguyễn Dynasty. According to this evidence, his original name was Ngô Tuấn (吳俊), the name after maturity was Thường Kiệt (常傑), after being given the royal surname, was named Lý Thường Kiệt. He was the son of Sùng Tiết general Ngô An Ngữ, the grandson of ambassador Ngô Xương Xí and the great-grandson of Thiên Sách vương Ngô Xương Ngập - the eldest son of Ngô Quyền. This theory was most widely accepted, but it was considered a "new theory", because the time of the evidence was still young, an unknown genealogy and was written during the Nguyễn Dynasty.

• Quách surname: This theory is based on the stele "An Hoạch Báo Ân tự bi ký" (created in 1100) and the "Cồ Việt quốc Thái úy Lý công thạch bi minh tính tự" (created in 1159), these are both original steles of the Lý Dynasty and the translation is available in "The epitaphs of Lý-Trần Dynasty" by Lam Giang, Pham Van Tham and Pham Thi Hoa. According to the information of both steles, Lý Thường Kiệt originally surname was Quách, first name was Tuấn, the name after maturity was Thường Kiệt very similar to the information of family theory. According to the stele, his hometown is An Xá village, Quảng Đức district (Cơ Xá, Gia Lâm district today), and perhaps later transformed into Thái Hòa ward as Toan Thu noted. His father was commander-in-chief under the reign of Lý Thái Tông, there are two different names, according to Đại Việt sử lược his father named commander-in-chief Quách Thịnh Ích (郭盛謚), and An Nam Chí Lược written as commander-in-chief Quách Thịnh Dật (郭盛溢), hometown in Câu Lậu and Tế Giang districts (now in Mỹ Văn, Hưng Yên). After the Emperor gave him the royal surname, Quách Tuấn was named Lý Thường Kiệt. According to the epitaph of commander-in-chief Đỗ Anh Vũ, Anh Vũ's father called Lý Thường Kiệt his uncle.

Chinese histories often say that Kiệt is Lý Thường Cát or Lý Thượng Cát. In the family, he has a younger brother named Lý Thường Hiến (李常憲). Perhaps like his brother, "Thường Hiến" is the name after maturity, not the real name; it is customary in the old days that the name after maturation has a similar or opposite meaning to the real name and is used to call outside as an understanding of the politeness, only in the home to call the real name.

Family

According to the comment of Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư history book, his family succeeded as mandarins in the way of hereditary, that is the ordination was permanent throughout the generations, so his family could be seen as a bureaucracy with a strong roots. From a young age, Lý Thường Kiệt has proved to be a person with the will and energy, studying, practicing both literature and martial arts, having studied military tactics.

Due to two different sources, Lý Thường Kiệt's father position is also different. The Việt điện u linh tập history book that were compiled with surname sources all mention Lý Thường Kiệt's father named An Ngữ, and was a "Sùng ban Lang tướng". The An Nam chí lược history book in the Lý Dynasty has two names Sùng ban and Lang tướng, but that policy copies the two names apart. Perhaps "Sùng ban Lang tướng" is "Lang tướng belonging to Sùng ban", because even in Chí lược book there was a position called "Vũ nội Lang tướng", but it is not clear how these positions are in the court. As for surname sources, Lý Thường Kiệt was the son of Quách Thịnh Ích, a commander-in-chief, so his position was different.

Nhữ Bá Sĩ wrote about the legend youth of Lý Thường Kiệt as follows:

Scholar Hoàng Xuân Hãn, when extracting content from Nhữ Bá Sĩ's stele, also commented: ''"This paragraph, copied from Nhữ Bá Sĩ stele, a new stele built in Tự Đức's reign. Certainly, Nhữ Bá Sĩ copied the oral tradition of the people. The word of the people is mostly an oral or a fabrication, we cannot fully believe the details that are so clearly written in the oral. But the above mentioned Thường Kiệt education is consistent with what we still know about the Lý Dynasty."

đoàn trần lâm là 1 nhà bác học nổi tiếng vs những phát mink quan trọng của thế giới nên chúng ta hãy tôn trọng anh ấy nêu k có anh ấy thì thế giới sẽ không đươcj như ngày hôm nay

Nam Quốc Sơn Hà

He may have been the author of Chinese poem, Nam Quốc Sơn Hà. However controversy surrounds its exact authorship.

The poem was written to motivate troops to fight against the Song dynasty.

According to the 20th century historian Trần Trọng Kim, Ly was afraid that his soldiers would lose morale so he wrote this poem and said it was done by the Gods to restore their fighting spirit.

In US President Barack Obama's visit to Vietnam, he referred to the poem as Vietnam's "declaration of independence" saying that large countries should not bully smaller countries.

Nonetheless, to this day the poem is still well known in Vietnam, and Ly is considered a national hero, with some Vietnamese still delivering tribute to and worshipping him as a deity at his shrine in Hanoi.

Phạt Tống lộ bố văn

General Ly Thuong Kiet was also the author of the Phạt Tống lộ bố văn (chữ Hán : 伐宋露布文, An Account of the Campaign to Punish the Song), another poem against the Song Dynasty.

出身及早年的仕途

李常傑出生於壽昌縣（今河內）太和坊的一個武將家庭，為10世紀時的統治者吳權之後，銘文資料提到李常傑是「細江句漏縣」人即今北寧省順城縣，當是後來改籍昇龍太和坊，其父是李太宗時太尉郭盛溢（又作郭盛謚）。李常傑自少就「姿貌揚逸」，並且練騎射，習兵法。在其年青時期，亦即李太宗時開始，就已登上仕途。1036年（李通瑞三年），李常傑因為承父蔭，被委任為騎馬校尉。1039年，淨身（閹割），並於1041年（李乾符有道三年），被召入皇宮，擔任侍衞及黃門祗候。

李聖宗時，更獲晉升為太保，以及於1061年（李彰聖嘉慶三年），被調任為清化、乂安等地的察訪使，鎮壓當地的芒族動亂。

參與對占城的戰爭

占城（又作占婆）為越南李朝南鄰。李常傑作為李朝主要軍事人物，曾數次參予對占的戰事。

1069年（李天貺寶象二年，由於當年的農曆七月改年號為神武，因此《越史略》列入神武元年）農曆二月，李聖宗親征占城。（據陳仲金說，開戰的原因是「占城國常來騷擾。」）越軍在戰事中相當順利，節節擊敗占城軍，占城君主律陀羅跋摩三世（又作「施里律茶盤麻常楊溥」、「楊卜尸律陀般摩提婆」、「第矩」、「制矩」等）兵敗逃走。到農曆五月，「元帥阮常傑（即李常傑）俘獲第矩於真臘界」。　

在這一役中，由於李常傑成功俘獲占城王律陀羅跋摩三世，迫使他向越軍求和「贖罪」，割讓了地哩、麻令、布政三州給李朝，然後將占城王釋放回國。據陳仲金所說，此三州即為現今越南的廣平省及廣治省轄地。

經過以上一戰後，占婆內亂，占王律陀羅跋摩三世於1074年（李太寧三年）投奔李朝。其後，據法國學者喬治·馬司培羅的說法，李朝大概有意助律陀羅跋摩三世歸國復位，便於次年（1075年，李太寧四年）派李常傑率兵南下，但被占婆新國王訶梨跋摩三世擊退。此戰爆發時間，《欽定越史通鑑綱目》稱是太寧四年八月。

1075年至1077年（李英武昭勝二年）期間，宋越開戰，宋廷聯絡占城合擊李朝，於是占城在1076年（李太寧五年）三月參戰。而李常傑則為越軍主將。（詳情另見：宋越熙寧戰爭）

1104年（李龍符元化四年）農曆二月，李仁宗命年已老邁的李常傑再征占城。開戰原因，是由於造反的李覺逃亡入占，勸占城君主制麻那進攻越南，並收復了先前割讓的地哩、麻令、布政三州土地。李常傑受命後，便又擊破占城，再度取得地哩、麻令及布政。

李常傑在與宋軍交戰（1075年－1077年）中的表現

李常傑較為人所熟知的事跡，是他參予了在1075年至1077年（李太寧四年至英武昭勝二年）間對宋朝的戰爭。（《越史略》誤記在太寧二年爆發戰事。）

率兵侵犯宋朝邊境及屠殺

• 奉命「先發諸道兵」抵禦宋軍：1075年（李太寧四年），宋朝王安石認為越南在不久前遭占城侵擾，國勢衰弱至「餘眾不萬人」，便部署向越南開戰。李朝政府獲得宋朝在南部「造舟艦教水戰」及「禁州縣不與我邊貿易」的情報後，便自行「先發諸道兵」，由李常傑率領水軍，攻入宋朝邊境，先後攻陷欽州、（今中國廣西欽州）、廉州（今中國廣西合浦）及邕州（今中國廣西南寧）等地。

• 邕欽廉三州大屠殺：李常傑在整場戰事中最矚目的行動，就是進行了大屠殺。當攻陷邕州後，由於知州蘇緘不願降服而自殺，全城軍民「無一人降者」，於是李常傑便「盡屠五萬八千餘人，並欽、廉州死亡者幾十餘萬人，常傑等俘虜三州人而還。」

轉攻為守

• 被調回抵禦占城：同年，宋朝聯絡越南的南方勁敵占城共同作戰。李朝政府獲悉後，便調回李常傑，以抵禦占城。李常傑未能取勝，唯有招募人民移居當時是越占邊境的地哩、麻令、布政等地。

• 在越南境內的如月江、富良江一帶與宋軍交戰：1076年（1076年是丙辰年。據《大越史記全書，李太寧五年農曆四月以後，改年號為英武昭勝元年。而《越史略》將該年誤寫成丙辰太寧四年，另外又說在十月改為英武昭勝元年），宋軍開進越南境內，但被李常傑於如月江（陳仲金說在北寧省如月村，是梂江的下段）阻擊成功。之後，宋軍移師到附近的富良江（陳仲金認為富良江正是梂江，中國學者郭振鐸、張笑梅所著的《越南通史》中則說是現在的紅河。），重整士氣，而李常傑部下軍士則開始灰心喪氣。縱然李常傑盡力勉勵軍士，但李朝已有意議和，而宋軍八萬餘人，亦由於難以適應南方的氣候及瘟疫，而折損了過半數兵員，但仍佔領了越南的廣源州（今越南高平省廣淵州）、思琅州（今越南高平省上琅州和下琅州）、蘇州、茂州（今越南高平省與諒山省交界）等地。）

:※據《越史略》，宋越兩軍在如月江的對戰，發生在丙辰太寧四年農曆七月（應是太寧五年，即公元1076年，《大越史記全書》將該戰事列在丙辰太寧五年三月），李常傑率水軍抵禦宋軍，而「昭文、宏真二侯皆溺死如月江」。雙方隔江對峙一個多月後，李常傑終於在這條戰線上擊退宋軍。

:至於富良江方面的戰鬥，發生在同年的十二月（南宋李燾將該役列入《續資治通鑑長編》卷二百七十九宋神宗熙寧九年十二月癸卯），宋將郭逵等率兵擊殺了越軍「大將洪真太子」，俘獲了「左郎將阮根」，隨後便是「乾德懼，奉表詣軍門乞降」，但並沒有提及李常傑有否親身參予富良江戰線方面的交鋒。）綜合中越兩國的史料而言，其實雙方交戰各有勝負。造成難以判定輸贏的原因，大概是由於兩國修史者都是只各自記述關於己方得勝的戰事而已。

• 宋越議和與戰事的終結：雙方再經過零星的戰鬥後，到1078年（（李英武昭勝三年），雙方舉行議和，李朝向宋朝「請還廣源、蘇茂等州」，而作為回禮，李朝歸還俘獲的宋朝軍民，戰事就此告終。

匡扶國政

雖然宋越熙寧戰爭最後僅以和議告終，但李朝政府對李常傑的表現仍然相當滿意，並且對他加官進爵。當1075年（李太寧四年）李常傑奉命抵禦占城時，便獲授任太尉。其後，又獲封以「兼內侍判首都押衙」、「行殿內外都知事」、「遙授諸鎮節度」、「同中書門下上柱國」、「天子義弟」、「輔國上將軍開國公」等等官職及封銜。以表示朝廷對他的尊崇。

李常傑的匡政，大體上是「內樹寬明，外馳簡惠」，對於奸惡者則「威而殲惡」，處理獄訟時「獄無濫之」，此外能不失農務，老必安之。當時人稱其治國能有「蒞民之本，安國之術」。此外，因當時佛教盛行，李常傑亦表尊重，讓佛僧長老擇地創辦佛寺。

到1105年（李龍符元化五年）農曆六月，李常傑去世，被追贈以「入內殿都知檢校太尉平章軍國重事越國公」，食邑萬戶，以弟弟李常憲繼承侯爵。

著作

《伐宋露布》

李朝英武昭勝元年農曆十二月，李常傑等進軍中國宋朝邊境期間，在所經之路發表軍事文誥《》，內容大致是「宋行青苗、助役之法，荼毒生民，我今興師欲相拯救」，以圖發動當地民眾倒戈攻宋。（該《露布》的部份內容，亦見之於宋人典籍，如司馬光《涑水記聞》、李燾《續資治通鑑長編》等等。）

詩作《南國山河》

1076年（李太寧五年，農曆四月後改為英武昭勝元年），李常傑與宋軍在如月江、富良江一帶交戰時，軍隊竟無心戀戰。某夜，軍隊裡忽然聽到這樣的詩句而重拾戰意：

根據陳仲金的說法，是李常傑害怕自己的軍隊灰心喪氣，便編撰這詩，並說成是由神仙所作，以令軍隊恢復鬥志。

此詩在越南盡人皆知，美國總統奧巴馬訪問越南時還用英語背誦，表示這首詩是越南「獨立宣言」，表達了「所有越南人民不屈的精神」。「大國不能欺負小國」。

評價

李常傑作為越南李朝的一位重臣，對國政發揮影響力，且是越軍主帥，曾向中國宋朝發動攻勢，並造成中國境內大量軍民傷亡，因此，中越兩國的史家，對李常傑有著折然不同的評價：

• 越南方面：

　• 在李朝，李常傑就獲得甚高評價。當時碑銘資料稱：「唯公（指李常傑）輔君，國家殷富，多歷年所，可聖臣遺千古之熙績也」；「而公三朝弼政，兼禦定邊亂，於其數年，而八方寧謐，其功盛矣。」

　• 越南阮朝時，史家潘輝注在其著作《歷朝憲章類誌·卷九·人物誌》裡，稱李常傑在越南歷史上「古今武功第一」。

　• 20世紀初，越南史家陳仲金在其所著的《越南史略》中評價他「具將才，精韜略，北伐宋，南平占，實為我國的一員名將。」

　• 越南1971年出版的《越南歷史》宣稱李常傑一切的軍事行動，盡屬是合理而高明的「自衞」戰略：「李常傑的積極自衞的進攻戰略，也體現了民族的這種精神和意志。他對抗戰的勝利立下了卓越功勳並且作出了偉大的貢獻。李常傑是一位民族英雄；是一位把天才的韜略與卓越的政治和外交才能相給合的傑出的軍事家。」

• 中國方面：

　• 中國學者郭振鐸及張笑梅則認為，李常傑在宋朝境內的邕州、欽州、廉州所進行的屠殺，是「對中國人民反侵略的血腥大屠殺，在中越封建社會的歷史上所僅見。」另外，又批評越南社會科學委員會所編撰的《越南歷史》裡對李常傑的高度讚揚，「實令人髮指，這是對歷史事實的大嘲笑。」不過，同書也肯定了李常傑的才幹，稱他「具將才，精韜略，北侵宋朝，南犯占城，為李朝一名野心勃勃的將軍」。

　• 中國學者戴可來在翻譯陳仲金的《越南史略》時，亦稱李常傑攻打北宋是「赤裸裸的侵略行徑」，「作者和其他越南史學家於此多方辯解，是錯誤的」。

總而言之，越南人對李常傑的評價甚高，但中國人對其評價以負面居多。

後世越南人的尊崇和紀念

由於越南史料中記載李常傑侵宋取得巨大勝利，越南人對其甚為尊崇。根據越南史料《皇越神祇總冊》和《歷朝憲章類誌》的記載，李常傑死後，其故鄉太和坊的土人祀其為福神，祈禱多應。此後越南各個朝代都尊其為上等福神，號稱「翊運廣威大王」。河內市有祭祀他的機舍靈祠。至今越南人仍認為他是民族英雄。

1974年西沙之戰時南越方第十六號軍艦即以李常傑命名。

注釋