Names

The dynasty was officially founded in 916 when Abaoji proclaimed himself emperor and adopted the dynastic name of "Khitan" (契丹 Qì Dān). In 946, the Emperor Taizong of Liao officially renamed the dynasty as "Great Liao" (大遼 Dà Liáo). The name was once again changed to "Khitan" in 983 during the reign of the Emperor Shengzong of Liao. In 1066, the Emperor Daozong of Liao reintroduced the dynastic name "Great Liao" and the title remained in official use until the dynasty's collapse.

In 1124, the successor state established by Yelü Dashi in the Western Regions also officially adopted the dynastic name "Great Liao". In historiography, however, this regime is more commonly called the "Western Liao" or "Qara Khitai".

There is no consensus among historians regarding the etymology of "Liao". Some believe that "Liao" was derived from the word for "iron" in the Khitan language, while others believe that the name came from the Liao River catchment which was the traditional homeland of the Khitan people.

History

Pre-dynastic history

The earliest reference to a Khitan state is found in the Book of Wei, a history of the Northern Wei Dynasty (386–534) that was completed in 554. Several books written after 554 mention the Khitans as being active during the late third and early fourth centuries. The Book of Jin (648), a history of the Jin dynasty (266–420), refers to the Khitans in the section covering the reign of Murong Sheng (398–401). Samguk Sagi (1145), a history of the Three Kingdoms of Korea, mentions a Khitan raid taking place in 378.

According to sinologists Denis C. Twitchett and Klaus-Peter Tietze, it is generally held that the Khitans emerged from the Yuwen branch of the Xianbei people. Following a defeat at the hands of another branch of the Xianbei in 345, the Yuwen split into three tribes, one of which was called the Kumo Xi. In 388 the Kumo Xi itself split, with one group remaining under the name Kumo Xi and the other group becoming the Khitans. This view is partially backed up by the Book of Wei, which describes the Khitans being of Xianbei origins. Beginning in the Song dynasty, some Chinese scholars suggested that the Khitans might have descended from the Xiongnu people. While modern historians have rejected the idea that the Khitan were solely Xiongnu in origin, there is some support for the claim that they are of mixed Xianbei and Xiongnu origin. Beginning with Rashid-al-Din Hamadani in the fourteenth century, several scholars have theorized that the Khitans were Mongolic in origin, and in the late 19th century, Western scholars made the claim that the Khitans were Tungusic in origin—modern linguistic analysis has discredited this claim. Many similar words exist between Khitan and Koreanic languages that are not found in Tungusic or Mongolic languages.

By the time the Book of Wei was written in 554, the Khitans had formed a state in what is now China's Jilin and Liaoning Provinces. The Khitans suffered a series of military defeats to other nomadic groups in the region, as well as to the Chinese Northern Qi (550–577) and Sui (589–618) dynasties. Khitan tribes at various times fell under the influence of Turkic tribes such as the Uighurs and Chinese dynasties such as the Sui and Tang. In the Book of Sui (Volume 84), the Khitan are described as "bellicose in plundering and raiding borders" and "the most uncourteous and arrogant among all barbarians". The History of Liao (LS, vol. 32 and 59) gives the following account of the early Khitan:

The Liaoshi (LS, vol. 32) names the ancient eight tribes of the Khitan (who are also mentioned in the Weishu):

Between 630 and 730, the Khitans were under the influence of the Tang dynasty through the Dahe clan. The Tang emperor bestowed the Chinese surname Li on the Dahe and appointed their leader to a governorship that was "an office specifically created for the indirect management of the Khitan tribes". Towards the turn of the century, however, Tang control of the north began to slip . In 696 the Dahe leader, Li Jinzhong, launched a rebellion and led Khitan forces into modern Hebei. Although the rebellion was defeated, it took over fifteen years before the Tang were able to reassert control over the Khitans, and that control would never be strong or long-lived. In the 730s, the Yaonian clan replace the Dahe as the Khitan's ruling clan, forcing Tang governor An Lushan to launch two invasions into Khitan territory in 751 and 755. After being soundly defeated by the Khitans during the first invasion, An Lushan was successful in the second, but he then led a rebellion against the Tang that included Khitan troops in his army. An Lushan had a Khitan eunuch named Li Zhuer who worked for him as a teenager but An Lushan used a sword to sever his genitals and he almost died after losing multiple pints of blood. An Lushan revived him by smearing ashes on his injury. Li Zhuer was highly trushed by An Lushan, and he and two other men served as his personal attendants. Li Zhuer was approached by conspirators who wanted to kill An Lushan when he became ill and started abusing his subordinates. An Lushan was hacked to death by Li Zhuer and another conspirator, Yan Zhuang, who was beaten by An before. An Lushan screamed "this is a thief of my own household" as he desperately shook his curtains since he could not find his sword to defend himself. The An Lushan Rebellion marked the beginning of the end of the Tang dynasty.

Following the An Lushan Rebellion, the Khitans became vassals of the Uighurs, while simultaneously paying tributes to the Tang, a situation that lasted from 755 until the fall of the Uighurs in 840. From 840 until the rise of Abaoji, the Khitans remained a tributary of the Tang dynasty.

Abaoji (907–926)

Abaoji, posthumously Emperor Taizu of Liao, was born in 872 to the Yila chieftain, Saladi. The Yila tribe was the largest and strongest of the eight Khitan tribes, but at the time the Yaonian khans still held overall power. In 901, Abaoji was elected chieftain of the Yila by the triennial council. None of the Khitans except the Yaonian used surnames at the time, but later in the 930s, Abaoji's clan adopted Yelü as their surname. At the same time their consort clan also began using the surname Xiao.

After his accession as leader of the Yila, Abaoji raided China, attacked the Jurchens, and established superiority over the Shiwei and Kumo Xi. In 903, Abaoji was named Yüyue, the supreme commander of all Khitans, second only to the Yaonian Khagan. Two years later, he led 70,000 cavalry to Datong to form a blood oath with the Shatuo warlord Li Keyong. In 907, Abaoji demanded that he be made Khagan, and ascended as supreme leader of the Khitans with support from seven other tribes. Abaoji then slaughtered the other Khitan chieftains, alarming the Khitan elite, many of whom saw his action as a move towards Chinese-style emperorship. Abaoji's rule went unchallenged until 910, when he disregarded Khitan calls for another member of the family to assume the position of Khagan. In 912 and 913, members of Abaoji's family attempted armed insurrections. After the first insurrection was discovered and defeated, Abaoji pardoned the conspirators. After the second, only his brothers were pardoned, with the other conspirators suffering violent deaths. The brothers plotted rebellions in 917 and 918, both of which were easily crushed.

In 916, Abaoji assumed the title of Celestial Emperor, proclaimed a Chinese era name, and built a Confucian temple. He named his eldest son, Yelü Bei, from his primary consort, Shulü Ping, as heir apparent and demanded the entire nobility to swear fealty to him. Two years later, the Khitan court was moved to the "Supreme Capital" (Shangjing), a newly built walled city with a grand park and imperial tents where the Chinese palaces would normally be located. Abaoji fostered the construction of 30 more walled cities for his captured Chinese subjects to inhabit. The Supreme Capital was joined by the "Eastern Capital" (Dongjing). Administration of the empire was divided between a Northern Administration overseeing steppe and tribal affairs and a Southern Establishment overseeing the settled and Chinese population. The two institutions were headed by chancellors, the northern one appointed by the Xiao consort clan, and the southern one appointed by the ruling Yelü clan.

In 917, Abaoji received naphtha as a gift from the state of Wuyue:

In 920, Abaoji ordered the development of a Khitan writing system known as the Khitan large script. While superficially similar to Chinese writing, it arbitrarily adds and reduces strokes to Chinese characters to compose words, making it completely unrecognizable to Chinese readers. In 925, the arrival of a Uyghur delegation led Abaoji to order his younger brother, Yelü Diela, to study the Uyghur language. Uyghur influence led to the development of a Khitan small script with more phonetic elements. The Khitan script was used for memorial inscriptions on wood and stone and record keeping in the Northern Administration. Almost no extensive documents written in Khitan script have survived, suggesting that few were ever produced. In the Southern Establishment, Chinese was the administrative language, which many Khitans learned, including Abaoji's sons. In a conversation with Yao Kun, an envoy from Later Tang, Abaoji said he spoke Chinese but did not speak it in the presence of other Khitans, because he feared that they would emulate the Chinese and grow soft.

During his reign, Abaoji attacked numerous neighboring peoples and expanded Khitan territory exponentially. Against the steppe nomads, he led campaigns in 908 against the Shiwei, in 910 the Kumo Xi, in 912 the Zubu, in 915 the Khongirad, and again in 919 to subdue the Khongirad. From 922 to 923, he raided the Jin and its successor, Later Tang. A year later he attacked the Tatars. His campaigns continued right up until his death in 926 with the conquest of Balhae and the creation of the puppet Kingdom of Dongdan. Most of Balhae's population was relocated to what is now Liaoning. The destruction of Balhae resulted in three independent groups beyond Khitan control: the northwestern Balhae people in modern Heilongjiang, the Balhae people west of the Yalu River, and the state of Jeongan in the upper valley of the Mudan River.

Abaoji died of typhoid fever at the age of 54 on 6 September 926.

Zhuoxie tu, a 10th century painting of a rest stop for the khan

Taizong (926–947)

Yelü Deguang, posthumously Emperor Taizong of Liao, was the second son of Shulü Ping and not the first in line for the Khitan throne. His elder brother, the 26-year old heir apparent Yelü Bei, was disliked by the conservative Khitan elites for his intellectual pursuits. As a polymath, Yelü Bei was skilled in painting, writing in both Khitan and Chinese languages, and possessed a large personal library. He also had a taste for Chinese culture, music, medicine, and prognostication. Chinese-style primogeniture was also not a custom among the Khitans, which was why Abaoji had them swear allegiance to Yelü Bei when he announced him as heir apparent. Bei's mother, Shulü Ping, who was exceptionally powerful in her own right, commanding thousands of horsemen and leading troops on campaign, took control of all military and civil affairs as regent, after having cut off her right hand to be buried with her husband. Shulü Ping herself disproved of her first son as heir due to his Chinese leanings and used all her influence to have Bei set aside for his younger brother, Deguang, who had participated in the 922–923 and 924–925 campaigns. Toward the end of 927, Bei approached his mother and formally withdrew his claim. Deguang succeeded the throne.

Bei was still ruler of the Dongdan Kingdom in former Balhae, given to him by his father after participating in its conquest. Taizong, who still regarded him as a threat, ordered in 929 that the capital of Dongdan and all its inhabitants be moved to the Eastern Capital (Dongjing). Dongdan lost its semi-autonomous status. In 930, Bei fled by sea to the Later Tang court and was received by Li Siyuan as an honored guest. In 937, he was killed by Shi Jingtang, who overthrew Later Tang and ruled Later Jin (Five Dynasties) as a puppet of the Khitans.

In 929, the Khongirad rebelled. In 929, Taizong sent his younger brother, Yelü Lihu, to attack the Later Tang at Datong. In 933, Taizong led a campaign against some Tangut tribes. The most important expansion of Khitan territory during this period, however, came from political instability in the south. In 933, the Later Tang emperor died. His son, Li Conghou, lasted only five months before his adoptive brother, Li Congke, killed him. Li Congke ordered a powerful governor, Shi Jingtang, to be transferred for closer supervision by the court, leading to his rebellion. Hard pressed by Li Congke, Shi Jingtang sought aid from the Khitans. Taizong led a 50,000 strong cavalry force to his aid and defeated the Later Tang army near Taiyuan. On 28 November 936, Shi Jingtang was invested as emperor of Later Jin by the Khitans. In 938, the puppet emperor of Later Jin transferred the Sixteen Prefectures over to the Khitans, granting them access to the strategic fortifications of northern China and the Central Plains. A new "Southern Capital" (Nanjing) was constructed at modern Beijing. Shi Jingtang behaved as a vassal and even allowed Khitan envoys to cross his territory to contact Southern Tang, his geopolitical rival.

Shi Jingtang died in 942. His nephew and successor, Shi Chonggui, came under the influence of an anti-Khitan court led by the army commander Jing Yanguang. In 943, Shi Chonggui revoked the trading privileges of the Khitans in Kaifeng and confiscated their property, sending their representative back to the Khitan court. Taizong invaded in the following year but suffered a defeat in 945, having to escape the battle on a camel. However with persistence, the Khitans wore down the Jin forces, and in 946, the Jin commander in chief, Du Chongwei, surrendered. In early 947, Taizong entered Kaifeng unopposed. The Jin emperor and his family were exiled to the Supreme Capital. The Jin army was disarmed and disbanded, their horses confiscated. With this great victory, Taizong formally adopted a dynastic name, the "Great Liao". With the conquest of Later Jin, the Liao acquired the Jade Seal of State Transmission (chuanguo yuxi). Ideologically, the Liao therefore regarded itself as the legitimate successor of the Later Jin, and the ruler of China. It hence chose the Water element, the element that follows the Metal element, the dynastic element of the Later Jin, according to the sequence of creation of the Five Elements (wuxing). It also chose the Water element's corresponding color black as its dynastic color.

His victory did not last. Having brought inadequate supplies, the Khitans wantonly looted the city and plundered the countryside provisions, and imposed harsh levies on the local populace, causing them to become resentful and attack them. Rather than staying and governing the conquered city, the Khitans decided to ship everything of value, from Jin officials and palace women to maps and music instruments, back to the Supreme Capital. Taizong also faced another threat from Taiyuan, where Liu Zhiyuan announced a new Later Han (Five Dynasties) dynasty. The occupation of Kaifeng lasted three months before Taizong withdrew. Shortly before reaching Liao territory, Taizong suddenly fell ill and died near modern day Shijiazhuang at the age of 45 on 18 May 947.

Shizong (947–951)

Yelü Ruan, posthumously Emperor Shizong of Liao, was the son of Yelü Bei, and not the designated heir of Emperor Taizong of Liao, who was Yelü Lihu, Taizong's younger brother. However Taizong had raised Ruan after Bei's departure in 930 and the relationship between them was as close as father and son. Ruan participated in the invasion of Later Jin, earning himself as a capable warrior and commander. Upon Taizong's death, Ruan declared himself emperor before "his father's coffin".

Lihu attacked Ruan while he was on his way back to the Supreme Capital but was defeated. His mother, Shulü Ping, then led her own army to confront Ruan. The two armies faced each other on the Xar Moron River, south of the Supreme Capital, for several days. The deadlock was resolved by a royal cousin named Yelü Wuzhi and ultimately Lihu, who the Khitan nobility viewed as cruel and spoiled, was unable to gain enough support to further challenge Shizong. After a peace was brokered, Ruan formally assumed the role of emperor and the title of emperor. Shizong promptly exiled both Empress Shulü Ping and Yelü Lihu from the capital, ending their political ambitions. Shizong hoped this would secure his position but he quickly became disillusioned as the internal situation of the Liao remained unstable. In 948, the second son of Taizong, Yelü Tiande, conspired to murder the emperor. The conspiracy failed and the conspirators' lives were spared. Among them, Xiao Han, a nephew of Shulü Ping, conspired against Shizong again in the following year. Despite being spared again, Xiao Han returned to his old ways a third time, resulting in his execution.

In 947, a planned invasion of Goryeo was aborted when the Khitans realized that enemy defenses were more formidable than they had thought.

From 949 to 950, Shizong invaded Later Han. In late 951, Shizong decided to invade Later Zhou. Before the army set off, Shizong and his entourage got drunk after making sacrifices to his father. Chage, the son of Abaoji's younger brother, Anduan, took advantage of the situation to kill Shizong. Chage was executed. Shizong died at the age of 33 and had not produced a son of age to inherit the throne. Shizong's rule was characterized by a series of rebellions from within his extended family. Although ruling for only four years, Shizong oversaw the formalization of the dual government system, which brought the structure of the Southern Establishment closer to the model used by the Tang dynasty.

Muzong (951–969)

Yelü Jing, posthumously Emperor Muzong of Liao, succeeded his cousin, Emperor Shizong of Liao. Muzong was a heavy drinker and spent most of his time either hunting or sleeping. The Chinese called him the "Sleeping Prince". The first half of his reign was marred by continued instability within his family. A younger brother of Shizong, Louguo, hatched a plot with one of his uncles to defect to Later Zhou. He was executed when the plot was discovered. In 953, a son of Yelü Lihu named Wan also conspired against the emperor. Wan was spared but his co-conspirators were executed. In 959, Dilie, one of Louguo's co-conspirators, plotted rebellion. The next year, Wan's older brother, Xiyin, was arrested for plotting rebellion. Lihu was implicated and died in prison.

During Muzong's reign, the Liao assisted Northern Han in fending off an attack by Later Zhou in 952. The Zhou attacked Han again in 954, and the Khitans once again came to their aid. The Khitans captured some Han troops by mistake and handed them back. On some occasions, Han envoys would visit the Liao to discuss strategic matters. Emperor Shizong of Later Zhou believed that the Liao dynasty were poised to invade the Zhou. In 958, the Han reported renewed attacks by the Zhou. In the following year, the Zhou invaded Liao territory, taking some border prefectures. Muzong headed south to confront the Zhou invasion but the Zhou emperor fell sick and had to return to Kaifeng. He died soon after and the Zhou invaders withdrew. In 960, the Zhou were replaced by the Song dynasty, which attacked Han in 963, and was repelled with the aid of the Khitans. Border skirmishes occurred between the Liao and Song in 963 and 967.

There were minor troubles with the Shiwei and Khongirad in 965, but otherwise the northern frontier remained calm for the Liao.

In 969, Muzong spent an entire month drinking and began to act violently and irrationally, butchering some of his bodyguards. On 12 March, six of his personal attendants murdered him. He was 37 years old. Muzong was the second and last Liao emperor to succeed Abaoji who was not a direct descendant of Yelü Bei.

Jingzong (969–982)

Yelü Xian, posthumously Emperor Jingzong of Liao, was the son of Emperor Shizong of Liao. During his reign, the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period came to an end with the rise of the Song dynasty, which replaced Later Zhou in 960. The Song had defeated all the competing states except for Northern Han by 978. Realizing their precarious situation, the Han strengthened their ties to the Liao with monthly courtesy missions starting in 971. In 974, the Song began negotiations with Liao for a possible neutrality treaty. The diplomatic efforts ended in failure and the Song invaded Han in 976 and 977, both times being repelled by Liao intervention. With the conquest of Wuyue in 978, the Song concentrated all their forces on an invasion of Han. This time they intercepted Liao forces en route to Han and crushed them. In the summer of 979, Emperor Taizong of Song took Taiyuan and annexed Northern Han. Taizong then made the disastrous mistake of attempting to invade Liao. His already overextended and tired troops advanced on the Supreme Capital. Initial skirmishes ended in the Song army's favor but they lost a crucial pitched battle on the Gaoliang River. Taizong was wounded and fled south in a donkey cart. Capitalizing on the Liao victory, Jingzong launched a punitive expedition in 980, and defeated a Song army. In another campaign in 982, the Liao army was defeated and Jingzong was forced to retreat.

Aside from conflict with the Song, the Liao also experienced trouble with the Tanguts in 973. In 975, conflict with remnants of the Balhae people led to an invasion of Jeongan, which failed. The Jurchens looted Liao territory in 973 and 976. In 981, captured Chinese soldiers attempted to enthrone a son of Xiyin but the plot failed, and Xiyin was forced to commit suicide.

In 977, an examination hall was established outside the Southern Capital.

On 13 October 982, Jingzong fell sick during a hunting trip and died in his camp. He was 34 years old. Before his death, he designated his eldest son, the 11 year old Longxu, as his successor.

Shengzong (982–1031)

Yelü Longxu, posthumously Emperor Shengzong of Liao, succeeded his father, Emperor Jingzong of Liao. He was only 11 years old at the time of his father's death so actual power fell to the regent, his mother Xiao Yanyan. Until her death in 1009, the Khitan empire was ruled by her and three ministers, two of whom were Chinese. Xiao Yanyan was an extremely capable ruler, being both astute in politics and warfare, commanding an ordo to herself capable of fielding 10,000 cavalry. According to the History of Liao, "most of his Shengzong success must be attributed to his mother's instruction."

Under Shengzong's reign, a number of administrative advances were produced. In 983, the Tang Code was ordered to be translated into Khitan for use by the Northern Administration and in 994, it was decided that any Khitan that transgressed the Ten Abominable Crimes would suffer the same punishment as a Chinese. In 1027, a revised Chinese style legal code was ordered. The first jinshi examination was held in 988, and they continued until the end of the dynasty. However only two or three graduates out of ten were employed. The examinations focused on lyric-meter poetry and rhapsodies and only the Chinese took them. In 991, the first veritable records were produced, with those of Jingzong's reign taking up 20 chapters. In 994, the Khitans produced their own calendar. Rules on what matters should be recorded were made in 1011. In 991, the Khitans conducted their first general census and in 997 another census was taken for the tribal population.

The Kumo Xi were completely integrated into Khitan administration by 997. The prior arrangement of vassalage and tribute had lasted since the time of Emperor Taizong of Liao, but a series of reforms between 994 and 997 discontinued that role. The Kumo Xi king became a salaried official and Chinese style administrative units were set up in Kumo Xi territory. Their former capital became the "Central Capital" (Zhongjing), which received an inner and outer wall, a Confucian temple, and public buildings were constructed between 1018 and 1020.

Militarily, the Khitans came into conflict with both the Song dynasty and the Korean kingdom of Goryeo. In 986, Emperor Taizong of Song conducted a three-pronged invasion and quickly overwhelmed the Khitan border defenses, but the tide turned as they ventured deep into enemy territory. Far from their supply lines, the Song armies were surrounded and attacked from all sides, resulting in resounding victories for the Khitans on all three fronts. Despite their victory, the frontier was severely damaged and many people fled their homes. The region would not recover for years.

In 986, Li Jiqian of the Tanguts submitted to the Khitans and three later, was given a member of the Khitan imperial family as bride and installed as "King of Xia".

In 985-6, the Khitans attacked Jeongan. In 991, they established three fortified military colonies in the lower Yalu valley. In 992, the Khitans invaded Goryeo, sending a force supposedly 800,000 strong, and demanded that Goryeo cede territories along the Yalu River. Goryeo appealed for assistance from the Song dynasty, with whom they had a military alliance, but no Song assistance came. After the initial battles, the Khitans made steady southward progress before reaching the Ch'ongch'on River, at which point they called for negotiations with Goryeo military leadership. While the Khitans initially demanded total surrender from Goryeo, and Goryeo initially appeared willing to consider it, Seo Hui was eventually able to convince the Khitans to accept Goryeo as a tributary state instead. By 994, regular diplomatic exchanges between the Khitans and Goryeo began.

After securing the border with Goryeo, the Khitans attacked the Song dynasty in 994 and laid siege to Zitong, but was repelled by its defenders with fire arrows. The Khitans began a series of campaigns against the Song in 999. While generally successful on the battlefield, they failed to secure anything of value from the Song. This changed in 1004 when Shengzong and his mother led a lightning strike campaign right to the outskirts of the Song capital of Kaifeng by only taking cities that surrendered, while avoiding protracted sieges of the cities that resisted heavily. Emperor Zhenzong of Song marched out and met the Khitans at Chanyuan, a small city on the Yellow River. In January 1005, the two sides signed the Chanyuan Treaty, which stipulated that the Song would give the Liao 200,000 bolts of silk and 100,000 ounces of silver each year, that the two emperors would address each other as equals, that they would finalize the location of their disputed border, and that the two dynasties would resume cordial relations. While the sums (referred to as gifts by the Song and as tributes by the Liao) were later increased to 300,000 bolts of silk and 200,000 ounces of silver per year out of Song fears that the Khitans might form a military alliance with the Western Xia, no major wars were fought between the Khitans and the Song for over a century following the signing of the treaty. By signing the treaty, the Song functionally renounced its claim over the Sixteen Prefectures. Part of the border demarcated by the treaty was on the barrier-less North China Plain in Hebei. To fortify these most perilous borderlands, the Song created an extensive defensive forest along the Song-Liao border to thwart potential Khitan cavalry attacks.

Four years after the Song invasion, conflict with Goryeo erupted again. In 1009, the Goryeo general Gang Jo murdered Mokjong of Goryeo and put Hyeonjong of Goryeo on the throne with the intention of serving as the boy's regent. The Khitans immediately sent an army of 400,000 men to Goryeo to punish Gang Jo; however, after an initial period of military success and the breakdown of several attempts at peace negotiations, Goryeo and the Khitans entered a decade of continuous warfare. In 1018 the Khitans suffered a major defeat and their army was all but annihilated at the Battle of Gwiju by the Goryeo forces under General Gang Gam-chan. The next year, the Khitans assembled another large army to march on Goryeo. At this point both sides realized that they could not defeat each other militarily, so in 1020 King Hyeonjong resumed sending tribute , and in 1022 the Khitans officially recognized the legitimacy of King Hyeonjong's reign. Goryeo would remain a vassal, and the relationship between Liao and Goryeo would remain peaceful until the end of the Liao dynasty.

In 1006, the Kingdom of Guiyi sent tribute to Shengzong's court, which seems to have encouraged him to attack the Ganzhou Uyghur Kingdom. Expeditions against the Ganzhou Uyghurs were conducted in 1008, 1009, and 1010. These achieved limited success resulting in the deportation of some of the captured population. In 1027, the Khitans laid siege to Ganzhou but failed to take the city, and ended in disaster when they were ambushed by Zubu tribes.

In the 1020s, the Southern Establishment tried to extend its taxation system to the Balhae people of the defunct Dongdan Kingdom, who formerly only had to pay a tribute. The Balhae people were ordered to build boats to transport grain to the Southern Capital. The journey was dangerous and many boats were lost, leading to resentment. In the summer of 1029, a distant descendant of Balhae royalty, Da Yanlin, rebelled at the Eastern Capital. He imprisoned minister Xiao Xiaoxian and his wife, killed the tax commissioners and chief military commander, and declared his own Xing Liao dynasty. He requested aid from Goryeo but they refused to help. Other Balhae people serving in the military also refused to join him. Instead only a handful of Jurchens joined his regime. A year later, one of Da Yanlin's officers betrayed him and opened the Eastern Capital's gates to the Khitans. His short lived dynasty came to an end. The old Balhae nobility were resettled near the Supreme Capital while others fled to Goryeo.

Shengzong died on 25 June 1031 at the age of 60. At his deathbed, he entrusted his ministers Xiao Xiaomu and Xiao Xiaoxian to enthrone his eldest son, the 15 year old Yelü Zongzhen.

Xingzong (1031–1055)

The 15 year old Yelü Zongzhen, posthumously Emperor Xingzong of Liao, was born to Emperor Shengzong of Liao and one of his lesser consorts, Xiao Noujin. Despite his parentage, he was raised as the adopted son of Empress Qitian (Xiao Pusage). Noujin fabricated a plot by Qitian to rebel and had her banished and then forced to commit suicide. Noujin declared herself the regent, made her birthday a public holiday, and began holding court and conducting duties normally within the purview of the emperor. In 1034, Noujin plotted to replace Xingzong with his younger brother, Zhongyuan, whom she had brought up herself. Zhongyuan wanted no part of this and informed Xingzong of their mother's plans, resulting in Noujin's banishment to their father's mausoleum. For his part in defeating the coup, Zhongyuan was given the title of "Imperial Younger Brother" and filled a succession of high ranking posts: commander in chief, northern commissioner of military affairs, and viceroy of the Southern Capital. Noujin's relatives remained in power at court. In 1037, Xingzong attempted to reconcile with these elements by treating Noujin with great respect and paying her visits. Xingzong appointed her brother, Xiao Xiaomu, as northern chancellor. In 1039, Noujin returned to the capital and underwent a rebirth ceremony to symbolically re-establish her position. The Song dynasty began sending separate envoys to pay respects to her.

Xingzong's reign saw the codification of law in 1036 with the promulgation of the Xinding tiaozhi which contained 547 articles and compiled all the laws since Abaoji's reign. In 1046, all local administrators were ordered to report all legal cases to the Supreme Capital. The laws were further revised in 1051. The universal application of the law was opposed by the pro-Khitan faction of Zhongyuan. In 1043, Chinese living in the Southern Establishments were forbidden from owning bows and arrows. In 1044, at the suggestion of Zhongyuan, Khitan police inspectors were established in each of the capitals to protect Khitan interests. In 1046, Khitans were forbidden to sell slaves to Chinese. On the other hand, restrictions on the Balhae people relaxed and they were allowed to play polo, a game regarded as a military exercise.

Militarily, the Liao seemed to be in decline during Xingzong's reign. The number of wars conducted in previous decades had put a great burden on the people. In the late 1030s, Xingzong asked his ministers for advice on dealing with growing distress, impoverishment, internal discontent, and banditry due to excessive demands for corvée and military service. The Confucian scholar, Xiao Hanjianu, advocated for withdrawing overextended garrisons from far off frontiers and the cessation of expansionist policies that incorporated useless territory. Instead, these forces should be concentrated in key areas to the south and east. In 1039, a census was conducted to provide a basis for levying manpower. The army was short on horses so the sacrifice of horses and oxen in ceremonies was banned in 1043. The army and its dependencies were organized into registries in 1046 and these registries were further revised in 1051. There was also concern about the quality of the troops' training, especially the Chinese troops that specialized in artillery and crossbows, skills that augmented the Khitans' cavalry forces.

In 1042, the Khitans took advantage of the Li Yuanhao's invasion of Song to ask for territorial concessions from the Song. Negotiations resulted in the Liao dropping their territorial claims and an increase in annual tribute from the Song to 200,000 tales of silver and 300,000 bolts of silk. When Li Yuanhao asked the Khitans in 1043 to join him in attacking the Song, Xingzong refused. In 1044, some Tanguts living in Liao territory rebelled and sought refuge in Western Xia. The Khitans blamed Yuanhao for instigating the rebellion and immediately sent an invasion force led by Zhongyuan and the northern commissioner for military affairs Xiao Hui. Liao forces enjoyed an initial victory but failed to take the Xia capital and were brutally mauled by Yuanhao's defenders. According to Song spies, there was a succession of carts bearing Liao dead across the desert. In 1048, the Xia emperor died and the throne passed to an infant. The Khitans saw their opportunity for vengeance and invaded in a three pronged attack. The army under Xingzong's personal command encountered little resistance but had to withdraw owing to the lack of water and pasture for its horses. Xiao Hui's army advanced on the Yellow River with a flotilla of warships but was ambushed and defeated. The third army raided a Tangut palace in the Helan Mountains, capturing Yuanhao's young widow and some high ranking officials. The Khitans invaded again the next year and plundered the Xia countryside and accepted the surrender of a Tangut general. The Western Xia agreed to become a tributary and peaceful relations were restored by 1053.

In 1044, Datong formally became the "Western Capital" (Xijing), completing the five capital regions.

Xingzong fell sick and died on 28 August 1055. He was 39 years old.

Daozong (1055–1101)

Yelü Hongji, posthumously Emperor Daozong of Liao, succeeded his father, Emperor Xingzong of Liao, having already gained experience in governing while his father was alive. Unlike his father, Daozong did not face a succession crisis. While both Xiao Noujin and Zhongyuan still held substantial power, neither disputed the succession.

Daozong's reign began with increased sinicization. In 1055 all officials, and not just the emperor and members of the Southern Establishment, were required to wear Chinese court dress at major ceremonies. Daozong himself was highly taken with Chinese learning, poetry, Confucianism, and Buddhism. He placed greater emphasis on Chinese education and the imperial examinations for selection of officials. The number of jinshi passed in each examination increased from 50–60 during Xingzong's reign to over 100 under Daozong. In 1059 prefectural and county schools were established, as well as institutions for higher learning in the capitals. In 1060, a second Guozijian was set up in the Central Capital in addition to the one in the Supreme Capital. In 1070 a special palace examination called the "Examination for the worthy and good" (Xianliang ge) was established, requiring entrants to submit 100,000 characters worth of writing. In 1072 Daozong personally wrote the questions for the palace examination.

In the early years, the court was dominated by two men, Xiao Ge and Xiao Ala. Xiao Ala was the son of Xiao Xiaomu and part of Xiao Noujin's extended family. He was a close friend of Xingzong and had served as state counselor and viceroy of the Eastern Capital. He was also married to an imperial princess. Upon Daozong's accession, Ala was made northern commissioner for military affairs, putting him alongside Xiao Ge as two of the most powerful men at court. The two had a falling out and Ala asked to retire. Instead he was sent to be viceroy of the Eastern Capital in 1059. In 1061 he returned to court and voiced harsh criticisms at the government. Ge denounced him to the emperor, and in spite of Empress Dowager Renyi's pleas, the emperor ordered Ala strangled. This left the court in the hands of Xiao Ge (who retired the next year), Yelü Renxian, and Yelü Yixin. Yixin grew up in poverty but rose to become a palace attendant under Xingzong and by the end of his reign, a guard commander. Under Daozong, Yixin was made southern chancellor and then transferred to the northern Chancellery in 1059. Renxian rose to prominence during negotiations with the Song dynasty in 1042. In 1060 Zhongyuan tried to have Renxian, who opposed his faction, removed from the southern Chancellery, but Yixin interceded on his behalf by going directly to Daozong.

In 1059 the tribal judges were ordered to refer all capital cases to the local prefect or magistrate for review. If anyone claimed that the sentence was unjust, it was to be referred to the central government for a decision. This possibly led to the rebellion of pro-Khitan elements under Zhongyuan in 1063. In 1061, Zhongyuan's son Nielugu was appointed southern commissioner for military affairs, and became a figurehead for dissident noblemen. Chief among the dissidents was Xiao Hudu, the northern commissioner for military affairs. In 1063, the dissidents ambushed Daozong while he was out on a hunting trip. Daozong was wounded when he had his horse shot out from under him by crossbowmen. He was saved by his servants while his mother, the Empress Dowager Renyi (Xiao Tali), led the guards to ward off the attackers. The battle lasted until dawn. Nielugu was killed by a stray arrow, Hudu fled and drowned himself, and Zhongyuan also fled and committed suicide. Yelü Ming, viceroy of the Southern Capital and a co-conspirator in the rebellion, did not give up when he heard of Zhongyuan's demise. He led a force of Kumo Xi into the capital and armed them with weapons to prepare for combat, but his deputy governor mobilized the Chinese garrison to resist them. When orders from the emperor arrived, Ming was executed. All the conspirators and their families, among them Xiao Ge, were executed, resulting in extensive changes in Liao leadership.

After the rebellion, Yelü Yixin and his ally Yelü Renxian jointly controlled the Northern Commission for Military Affairs for a while. In 1065, Renxian became commander in chief. For the next 15 years, Yixin exercised unrivaled influence in court and acted opportunistically to advance self-interest, selecting corrupt and worthless men for office, taking bribes, and allowing the military to do anything they wanted. Renxian tried to contain him but eventually left for the post of viceroy of the Southern Capital. Daozong remained aloof from politics, providing no real leadership, and instead opted to pursue his own scholarly interests. In 1064 he ordered a search for books lacking in the imperial collection. In 1074 the government distributed copies of the Records of the Grand Historian and the Book of Han. In the same year a bureau for compiling national history was established, which produced in 1085 Veritable Records for the first seven reigns. Daozong gathered prominent scholars around him to expound on various canonical texts and greatly patronized Buddhist monks. In 1090 a Song envoy commented on how lavishly the emperor patronized the Buddhist clergy and their all-pervasive influence on society. In the latter years of Daozong's reign, he all but abandoned his administrative duties. So ambivalent about administration was the emperor that he selected officials by having the candidates roll dice. This was how the historian who compiled the record of his reign was selected.

Khitan resistance to Chinese influence did not disappear after the rebellion. In 1064 the private publication of books was banned, a measure that would have only impacted the urban Chinese elite. In 1067 Daozong underwent a traditional rebirth ceremony, while still engrossed in his studies, to re-establish his legitimacy as leader of the Khitans. In 1070 the Chinese were forbidden from hunting, which was considered a military exercise. Daozong recognized that the Khitan and Chinese customs were different, so he ordered Yixin and Renxian to revise the universal laws to take this into account. The new laws, well over 1,000 articles and twice the size of the Xinding tiaozhi of 1036, receiving further amendments between 1075 and 1085, were so out of step with actual practice that they proved unenforceable. In 1089 the new laws were abandoned and the Xinding tiaozhi was reinstated. It is clear that while Daozong had a predilection towards Chinese culture, he also recognized that there were limits to how far he could advance pro-Chinese measures while governing Khitan elites. In 1074 the scholarly official Yelü Shuzhen suggested adopting Chinese style surnames for all Khitan tribes, which Daozong rejected, declaring that "the old order should not be changed suddenly".

Yelü Renxian, the only man whose influence rivaled Yelü Yixin, died in 1072. In 1075, Daozong's son and heir apparent, Prince Jun, who was both well educated and skilled as a horseman and archer, emerged as a potential threat to Yixin's influence over Daozong. To remove Jun, Yixin first set in motion plans to eliminate his mother, Xiao Guanyin. One of her household members accused her of having an affair with a palace musician, Zhao Weiyi. In addition, Yixin and his ally, the Chinese scholar Zhang Xiaojie, fabricated evidence that the empress had written erotic poems to Zhao. Believing Yixin's evidence, Daozong ordered Zhao and his clan executed and the empress, Xiao Guanyin, to commit suicide. Her body was returned to her family wrapped in a mat. Yelü Jun swore revenge for her mother's death and shortly after her suicide, Yixin survived an attempted assassination. Xiao Guanyin was replaced by the sister of one of Yixin's henchmen, Xiao Xiamo, whose other sister was married to Yixin's son. After the death of Empress Dowager Renyi in 1076, the new empress, Xiao Tansi, was installed. The next year, Yixin implicated a number of officials, all his enemies, with plotting a coup to replace Daozong with Jun. While the emperor was initially unmoved, Yixin fabricated a false confession by Jun, resulting in his demotion to commoner status and imprisonment. Yixin then sent emissaries to kill Jun and persuaded the viceroy of the Supreme Capital to report his death as a result of illness. Jun's wife was also killed when she was summoned to court by Daozong, who had almost immediately come to regret his actions.

The new empress remained barren so Daozong decided upon Jun's son, Yelü Yanxi, as heir. In 1079 when the emperor was about to leave on his winter hunting trip, Yelü Yixin tried to persuade him to leave his grandson behind. Various courtiers hostile to him immediately protested this and convinced Daozong to take his grandson with him. This incident seemed to finally awaken the emperor to Yixin's true nature. In 1080 Yixin was demoted and sent to Xingzhong. A year later he was found guilty of trading prohibited goods with a foreign state and sentenced to death. Zhang Xiaojie and the new empress were both exiled from the capital, although Zhang would later be allowed to return and died peacefully in the late 1080s. From then on, Yanxi was carefully groomed for the throne. In 1086 Daozong showed him the armour and weapons of Abaoji and Emperor Taizong of Liao, describing to him the hardships of the campaigns on which the dynasty was founded. A few weeks later Yanxi underwent a rebirth ceremony. In 1088 he was assigned to his first office. A year later he was married and sons were born in 1089 and 1093.

Economically the Liao dynasty suffered greatly from natural disasters during Daozong's reign. Starting from 1065, not a year went by without an area being struck by some natural disaster. At first it was mainly the southern agricultural regions that were effected but in the 1080s and 1090s, the tribal areas also seem to have experienced immense suffering, resulting in displaced families and vagrants. The government constantly lost revenue due to payments of relief and the granting of tax exemptions. In 1074, the Eastern Capital region was hit by severe flooding, after which orders were given to construct flood control works. This was opposed on grounds that the necessary labor levies involved would cause even greater hardship and unrest. In the winter of 1082-3, unusually heavy snowfall killed up to 60–70 percent of tribal livestock and horses.

Militarily the reign of Daozong saw little conflict with other settled states. In 1074 there was a border demarcation crisis with the Song but it was resolved by peaceful diplomacy in 1076. In 1078 Goryeo's king asked for territory east of the Yalu River, which was rejected without any trouble or break in relations. The situation on the northwestern borderland was less stable and events toward the end of Daozong's reign would see the subjugation of the Zubu tribes, some of whom lived in Liao territory but had long resisted Khitan rule. There were outbreaks of warfare with the Zubu previously in 997-1000, 1007, 1012-23, and 1027. In 1063, 1064, and 1070, prohibitions were placed on the trade of metals to the Western Xia, Zubu tribes, and Uyghurs. In 1069, there was a renewed Zubu rebellion which was put down by Yelü Renxian. In 1086 the Zubu chieftain attended court and Daozong ordered his grandson, Yelü Yanxi, to be friendly towards him as he was a valuable ally. However in 1089, Zubu leadership passed to Mogusi. In 1092, the Khitans attacked several tribes in the northwest neighboring the Zubu and the Zubu became involved. In 1093 Mogusi led a series of raids deep into Liao territory and drove off many of the state herds of horses. Other tribes such as the Dilie (Tiriet), who had previously rebelled in 1073, also joined Mogusi. It took until 1100 for the northern commissioner for military affairs, Yelü Wotela, to capture and kill Mogusi. His death did not end warfare with the northwestern tribes and it took another two years to defeat the remaining Zubu forces. The war against the Zubu was the last successful military campaign waged by the Liao dynasty.

Daozong passed away on 12 February 1101 at the age of 68. He was succeeded by his grandson, Yelü Yanxi.

Tianzuo (1101–1125)

The accession of Yelü Yanxi, posthumously Emperor Tianzuo of Liao, proceeded without incident. His first act upon becoming emperor was to desecrate the tomb of Yelü Yixin and all those who brought about the deaths of his grandmother and parents. The corpses of Yixin and his allies were mutilated. The deceased Emperor Daozong of Liao was interred together with the empress who had been forced to commit suicide. Tianzuo's father, Jun, was given a posthumous temple name as though he had reigned as emperor.

Natural disasters continued to plague the Liao dynasty intermittently. In 1105 Tianzuo went out in disguise to see the suffering of the people, but nothing else on record hints at what he may have prescribed in policy. In the same year, merchant families were from barred from taking the jinshi exam, which suggests continued sinicization in the Liao mode of governance. Between 1103 and 1105, the Western Xia repeatedly requested the Khitans to attack the Song dynasty, but the Liao court refused. The Liao cemented its relations with the Tanguts with a marriage alliance and sent an envoy requesting the Song to stop its attacks on Western Xia. Diplomatic relations with the neighboring settled states remained cordial and even the Zubu sent embassies pledging their allegiance in 1106, 1110, and 1112.

Despite international peace on several fronts, the Liao dynasty would fall to the Jurchens by 1125. The Jurchens were a Tungusic people who lived in fragmented tribes stretching northward from the border of Goryeo. They had been in contact with the Khitans ever since Abaoji's rise to power. Despite their marginal status, they were militarily significant enough that the Song considered them a potential ally against the Liao, and periodically caused trouble for the Khitans. The Liao categorized the Jurchens into three groups: "civilized" Jurchens (shu nüzhi) descended from tribes captured by the Liao in the 10th century and assimilated into Khitan society, "obedient" Jurchens (shun nüzhi) subordinate to the Liao and had regular contact with the court, and "wild" Jurchens (sheng nüzhi) who inhabited the lower Songhua River valley and the eastern mountains of modern Heilongjiang. The wild Jurchens were nominally subordinate to the Liao but were functionally independent. During the 11th century, one of the wild Jurchen clans, the Wanyan, established dominance over their neighbors and created a semblance of Jurchen unity. The Liao court recognized this and conferred on their chieftains the title of military governor.

As the Wanyan clan consolidated their control over the Jurchens, relations with the Liao also became increasingly strained. The Jurchens resented the behavior of Liao officials at Ningjiang, the main border trading post, who constantly cheated them. The Liao also placed on them the obligation of supplying the Liao emperor with gyrfalcons called , only bred on the coastal regions and required the Jurchens to fight across the territory of their neighbors, the Five Nations, to access. Liao envoys also habitually beat their village elders and abused their women. One of the primary causes of the Jurchen rebellion was the custom of raping married Jurchen women and Jurchen girls by Khitan envoys, which caused resentment from the Jurchens. The custom of having sex with unmarried girls by Khitan was itself not a problem, since the practice of guest prostitution - giving female companions, food and shelter to guests – was common among Jurchens. Unmarried daughters of Jurchen families of lower and middle classes in Jurchen villages were provided to Khitan messengers for sex, as recorded by Hong Hao. Song envoys among the Jin were similarly entertained by singing girls in Guide, Henan. There is no evidence that guest prostitution of unmarried Jurchen girls to Khitan men was resented by the Jurchens. It was only when the Khitans forced aristocratic Jurchen families to give up their beautiful wives as guest prostitutes to Khitan messengers that the Jurchens became resentful. This suggests that in Jurchen upper classes, only a husband had the right to his married wife while among lower class Jurchens, the virginity of unmarried girls and sex with Khitan men did not impede their ability to marry later.

The Jurchen problem reared its head in late 1112 when Tianzuo embarked on a fishing expedition to the Huntong River (modern Songhua River), where the Jurchen tribes were expected to pay homage to the emperor. As a symbolic gesture of obeisance, the Jurchen chieftains were supposed to get up in turn and dance in the emperor's camp, but one of them, Aguda, refused. Even after being bidden three times, Aguda still refused to dance. Tianzuo wanted him executed for his act of defiance but the influential chancellor, Xiao Fengxian, dissuaded him from that course and belittled the harm Aguda could do. This would prove to be a fatal mistake as Aguda was elected ruler of the Jurchens in the following year. Aguda immediately began harassing the Liao for the return of Ashu, a Jurchen chieftain who opposed Wanyan hegemony and had taken refuge in Liao territory, and when his demands were refused, began building fortifications on the Liao border. In the late autumn of 1114 Aguda attacked Ningjiang. Underestimating the Jurchen threat, Tianzuo only sent some Balhae detachments from the Eastern Capital, which was utterly defeated. Another force composed of Khitan and Kumo Xi troops led by Xiao Sixian, the brother of Xiao Fengxian, was also defeated on the Songhua. Despite Sixian's incompetence, he escaped punishment, leading to demoralization of Khitan generals. By the end of the year, several border prefectures had been taken by the Jurchens and some neighboring tribes had also joined them.

In 1115 Tianzuo sent envoys to negotiate with the Jurchens, but Aguda had already declared himself emperor of the Jin dynasty, and rejected the Liao letters because they did not address him by his new title. Aguda continued to demand the return of Ashu and the withdraw of Liao troops from Huanglong, the major administrative center of the region. Huanglong fell to the Jin in late autumn. Tianzuo assembled a massive army west of the Songhua and crossed the river in the winter of 1115. His invasion was undermined by a plot to dethrone him and install his uncle, Prince Chun. The conspirators led by Yelü Zhangnu deserted the army and sent messengers informing Chun of their plan. Chun refused to take part in the coup and beheaded Zhangnu's messengers. The rebels then went about the countryside creating havoc until they were defeated by a small group of loyal Jurchens. Zhangnu was caught trying to escape to the Jin disguised as a messenger and was executed by being cut in half at the waist. More than 200 implicated nobles were executed and their families condemned to slavery. In early 1116 another rebellion occurred at the Eastern Capital when a Balhae officer named Gao Yongchang declared himself emperor of the Yuan dynasty and requested aid from the Jin. The Jin relief troops to Yuan easily repulsed the Liao troops but then turned on the Balhae rebels and killed Gao Yongchang. With the destruction of the Yuan dynasty, the entire region east of the Liao River fell to the Jin. To ensure Chun's continued loyalty, he was made commander in chief of the Liao armies and entrusted with defense operations against the Jin. Chun proved to be an awful commander. His new army, composed of Balhae refugees, inflicted more damage on the civilian population than the enemies. When the Jin attacked Chunzhou on the Songhua in early 1117, the Liao army melted away, not even offering a token resistance. At the end of the year, the Jin forces crossed the Liao River, defeated Chun's army, and conquered several prefectures.

After the Jin's initial conquests, a lull in military activity followed. In 1118 Tianzuo initiated peace negotiations, but the Jin demands were so onerous, requesting half of the Liao empire in addition to payments of silk and silver, that they were impossible to meet. Aguda was unable to immediately continue military campaigns against the Liao due to stretched resources. In 1119 a rebellion against the Jin occurred at the Eastern Capital and had to be suppressed. This brief interlude was no less kind to the Liao, which was plagued by famine, local rebellions, and defections to the Jin. Hostilities renewed in the spring of 1020 when Aguda broke off negotiations.

The Jin captured the Supreme Capital in mid-1120 and stopped its advance to escape the summer heat. In the spring of 1121, Tianzuo's second wife, Lady Wen, conspired with her brother in law, General Yelü Yudu, to depose the emperor and enthrone her son. The plot was uncovered by Xiao Fengxian, whose sister, Lady Yuan, also hoped to have her son succeed. Lady Wen was forced to commit suicide but Yudu escaped and defected to the Jin. He was allowed to remain in command of his troops and in the winter of 1121-2, he led Jin forces to capture the Central Capital. Leaving Prince Chun in charge of the Southern Capital, Tianzuo embarked on a prolonged flight from the Jin, passing through Juyong Pass to the Western Capital. Shortly afterward, Tianzuo grew tired of Xiao Fengxian's manipulations, which had caused the death of his son, and had him commit suicide. Tianzuo then fled to the Yin Mountains where he tried to recruit fresh troops from local tribes. Following his trail, the Jin took the Western Capital in the spring of 1122. The Tanguts, fearing an invasion of their border, sent troops in support of Tianzuo and blocked the Jurchen advance. Soon after Aguda arrived, he defeated a Khitan-Tangut force near the Xia border, and turned back east to take the Southern Capital, where Prince Chun had been declared the new Liao emperor (Northern Liao).

Only three months after becoming emperor, Chun died, leaving his widowed empress in charge. In the late autumn of 1122, her commanders Guo Yaoshi and Gao Feng defected with their troops to the Song. They led Song troops in an attack on the Southern Capital, but even in the Liao's withered state, the Song army was still unable to overcome Khitan defenses and failed to take the city. In the winter, Aguda took the Southern Capital, and the remaining Khitans fled in two groups to the west. One group led by Xiao Gan fled to Western Xia where they set up a short lived Xi dynasty that lasted only five months before Gan died at the hands of his own troops. The other group, led by Yelü Dashi, joined Tianzuo at the Xia border. In the early summer of 1123, Dashi was captured by the Jin and forced to lead them to Tianzuo's camp, where the entire imperial family except for Tianzuo and one son were captured. Tianzuo sought refuge with Emperor Chongzong of Western Xia, who while initially receptive, changed his mind after warnings from the Jurchens and declared himself a vassal of Jin in 1124. Tianzuo fled further north into the steppes where he traded his clothes for food from the Khongirad. In spite of all these setbacks, Tianzuo still held onto the delusion of retaking the Western and Southern Capitals, and attacked nearby prefectures. Dashi, who had rejoined Tianzuo, grew tired of his behavior and left for the west. Tianzuo was captured in early 1125 and taken to the Jin court where he held the title of "king of the seashore". According to the History of Liao, Tianzuo died at the age of 54 in 1128.

Qara Khitai

Yelü Dashi fled northwest and established his headquarter at the military garrison of Kedun (Zhenzhou) on the Orkhon River. Dashi secured the allegiance of the garrison forces numbering 20,000 and set himself as gurkhan (universal khan). In 1130, Dashi led his host further west in search of new territory. Within a year, he had established himself as suzerain of Qocho and gained a foothold in Transoxiana. After conquering the Karakhanid city of Balasaghun (in modern Kyrgyzstan), he attempted to reclaim former Liao territory, which ended in disaster. Failing in that endeavor, Dashi established a permanent Khitan state in Central Asia known as the Qara Khitai or the Western Liao dynasty. The new Liao empire expanded to the Aral Sea, defeating the Kara-Khanid Khanate and Seljuk Empire at the Battle of Qatwan, and establishing their dominance in the region. With several key trading cities, the Qara Khitai was a multicultural state that showed evidence of religious tolerance. "Qara," which means black, corresponds to the Liao's dynastic color black and its dynastic element water.

Yelü Dashi's dynasty was usurped by the Naimans under Kuchlug in 1211 and traditional Chinese, Persian, and Arab sources consider the usurpation to be the end of the dynasty. The empire ended with the Mongol conquest in 1218.

The Jurchen Jin dynasty was conquered by the Mongol Empire in 1234.

Government

At its height, the Liao dynasty controlled what is now Shanxi, Hebei, Liaoning, Jilin, Heilongjiang, and Inner Mongolia provinces in China, as well as northern portions of the Korean peninsula, portions of the Russian Far East, and much of the country of Mongolia. The peak population is estimated at 750,000 Khitans and two to three million ethnic Han Chinese.

Law and administration

The Liao employed two separate governments operating in parallel with one another: a Northern Administration in charge of Khitan and other nomadic peoples, most of whom lived in the northern side of Liao territory, and a Southern Administration in charge of the Chinese populace that lived predominantly in the southern side. When Abaoji first established the system, these two governments did not have strict territorial boundaries, but Emperor Shizong established formally delineated boundaries for the two administrations early in his reign. The newly delineated Northern Administration had large Han Chinese, Balhae, and Uighur populations, and was given its own set of parallel northern and southern governments.

The governments of the Northern Administration and the Southern Administration operated very differently. The Northern Administration operated under a system which Twitchett and Tietze called "essentially a great tribal leader's personal retinue". Many of the governmental appointments dealt with tribal affairs, herds, and retainers serving the imperial house, and most powerful and high-ranking positions dealt with military affairs. The overwhelming majority of officeholders were Khitans, mainly from the imperial Yelü clan and the Xiao consort clan. The Southern Administration was more heavily structured, with Twitchett and Tietze calling it "designed in imitation of a T'ang model". Unlike the Northern Administration, many of the low- and medium-ranked officials in the Southern Administration were Chinese.

The Liao dynasty was further divided into five "circuits", each with a capital city. The general idea for this system was taken from the Balhae, although no captured Balhae cities were made into circuit capitals. The five capital cities were Shangjing (上京), meaning Supreme Capital, which is located in modern-day Inner Mongolia; Nanjing (南京), meaning Southern Capital, which is located near modern-day Beijing; Dongjing (東京), meaning Eastern Capital, which is located near modern-day Liaoning; Zhongjing (中京), meaning Central Capital, which is located in modern-day Hebei province near the Laoha river; and Xijing (西京), meaning Western Capital, which is located near modern-day Datong. Each circuit was headed by a powerful viceroy who had the autonomy to tailor policies to meet the needs of the population within his circuit. Circuits were further subdivided into administrations called fu (府), which were metropolitan areas surrounding capital cities, and outside of metropolitan areas were divided into prefectures called zhou (州), which themselves were divided into counties called xian (縣).

Despite these administrative systems, important state decisions were still made by the emperor. The emperor met with officials from the Northern and Southern Administrations twice a year, but aside from that the emperor spent much of his time attending to tribal affairs outside of the capital cities.

Military

The Liao army was originally just 2,000 men picked from various tribes as Abaoji's personal retinue. To these 2,000 men were added captives taken from Balhae and the prefecture of Jingzhou. By the time it became an orda, the emperor's private army, it contained 15,000 households, and could field up to 6,000 horsemen. The Liao nobles each had their own orda which the Liao government "borrowed" for campaign. According to the History of Liao, the Liao nobles treated the state as if it was their family. They provided private armies to assist the government during times of war. The larger ordas comprised up to a thousand or more horsemen while smaller ones several hundred horsemen. By the end of the dynasty, the ordas together constituted 81,000 Khitan households and 124,000 Balhae and Chinese households, which together could field up to 101,000 horsemen.

The Liao Army was composed of 3 sections: the Ordu, who were the elite personal cavalry of the Emperor, the tribal cavalry of Khitans and an auxiliary force of non-Khitan tribes, and militia infantry of Han Chinese and other sedentary peoples, who also provided the foot archers and catapult crews. Appanage territories were often granted to commanders. The core of the Liao army was composed of heavy armoured cavalry. In battle they arrayed light cavalry in the front and two layers of armoured cavalry in the back. Even foragers were armoured. Units of Khitan heavy cavalry were organized in groups of 500 to 700 men. Unlike some other empires originating from nomadic tribes, the Khitans preferred to fight in dense heavy cavalry formations rather than the wide formations of horse archers.

Society and culture

Language

The Khitan language is most closely related to the Mongolic language family; some broader definitions of the Mongolic family include Khitan as a member.

Prior to their conquest of north China and the establishment of the Liao dynasty, the Khitans had no written language. In 920 the first of two Khitan scripts, the Khitan large script, was developed. A second script, the Khitan small script, was developed in 925. Both scripts are based on the same spoken language, and both contain a mix of logographs and phonographs. Despite surface level similarities to Chinese characters, the Khitan scripts are functionally unintelligible to Chinese readers, and neither scripts have been fully deciphered to this day.

Only a single manuscript text in the Khitan large script is known (Nova N 176), and no manuscripts in the Khitan small script are known. Most surviving specimens of both Khitan scripts are epitaph inscriptions on stone tablets, as well as a number of inscriptions on coins, mirrors and seals. The Liao emperors could read Chinese, and while there were some Chinese works translated into Khitan during the Liao dynasty, the Confucian classics, which served as the core guide to the administration of government in China, are not known to have been translated into Khitan.

Status of women

The status of women in the Liao dynasty varied greatly, with the Khitan Liao (like many other nomadic societies) having a much more egalitarian view towards women than the Han Chinese did. Khitan women were taught how to hunt, and managed family herds, flocks, finances, and property when their husbands were at war. Upper-class women were able to hold governmental and military posts. Han Chinese living under the Liao dynasty were not forced to adopt Khitan practices, and while some Han Chinese did, many did not.

Marriage practices

Women among the Khitan elite had arranged marriages, in some cases for political purposes. Men from the elite classes tended to marry women from the generation their senior. While this did not necessarily mean that there would be a large gap in ages between husband and wife, it was often the case. Among the ruling Yelü clan, the average age that boys married was sixteen, while the average age that girls married was between sixteen and twenty-two. Although rare, ages as young as twelve were recorded, for both boys and girls. A special variety of polygamy known as sororate, in which a man would marry two or more women who were sisters, was practiced among the Liao elite. Polygamy was not restricted only to sororate, with some men having three or more wives, only some of whom were sisters. Sororate continued throughout the length of the Liao dynasty, despite laws banning the practice. Over the course of the dynasty, the Khitan elite moved away from having several wives and towards the Han Chinese system of having one wife and one or more concubines. This was done largely to smooth over the process of inheritance.

Lower class Khitan women in the Liao dynasty did not have arranged marriages and would attract suitors by singing and dancing in the streets. The songs served as self-advertisements, with the women telling of their beauty, familial status, and domestic skills. Virginity was not a requirement for marriage among the Khitans and many Khitan women were sexually promiscuous before marriage. Betrothal was seen in Khitan society as being equally serious to, if not more serious than, marriage itself, and was difficult to annul. The groom would pledge to work for three years for the bride's family, pay a bride price, and lavish the bride's family with gifts. After the three years, the groom would be allowed to take the bride back to his home, and the bride would usually cut off all ties with her family. Abduction of marriage-age women was common during the Liao dynasty. Khitan men of all social classes participated in the activity, and the abductees included both Khitan and Han Chinese. In some cases, this was a step in the courtship process, where the woman would agree to the abduction and the resulting sexual intercourse, and then the abductor and abductee would return to the woman's home to announce their intention to marry. This process was known as baimen (拜門). In other cases, the abduction would be non-consensual and would result in a rape. Khitan women had the right to divorce their husbands and were able to remarry after being divorced.

Religion

Religion in Liao society was a synthesis of Buddhism, Confucianism, Daoism, and Khitan tribal religion. During Abaoji's reign, temples of all three major religions were constructed, but afterwards, imperial patronage was restricted mainly to Buddhism, which by the early tenth century, the majority of Khitans had adopted. The Buddha was considered a protective deity by the Khitans, who named him "The Benevolent King Who Guards the Country." They invoked Buddhism whenever they went to war and made massive offerings to placate the souls of fallen soldiers. The Liao began printing Buddhist texts in the 990s and an entire copy of the Tripitaka was completed in 1075. Portions of it have been found in a pagoda built in 1056. Buddhist scholars living during the time of the Liao dynasty predicted that the mofa (末法), an age in which the three treasures of Buddhism would be destroyed, was to begin in the year 1052. Previous dynasties, including the Sui and Tang, were also concerned with the mofa, although their predictions for when the mofa would start were different from the one selected by the Liao. As early as the Sui dynasty, efforts were made to preserve Buddhist teachings by carving them into stone or burying them. These efforts continued into the Liao dynasty, with Emperor Xingzong funding several projects in the years immediately preceding 1052.

Some elements of traditional Khitan tribal religion were also observed. The Khitans worshiped the sun and the ritual position for the emperor was to face the east where the sun rose, unlike Han Chinese emperors, who faced south. Royal dwellings also faced the east. Khitans also worshiped spirits of the Muye Mountain, the legendary home of the Khitans' ancestors, and a "Black Mountain." Liao burial sites indicate that animistic or shamanistic practices coexisted with Buddhism in marriage and burial ceremonies. Both animal and human sacrifices have been found in Liao tombs alongside indications of Buddhist influence. Daoist, zodiac, and Zoroastrian influences have also been found in Liao burial sites.

During the reign of the Liao dynasty the Niujie Mosque was designed by Nazaruddin, the son of a local Imam.

File:Luohan (arhat), Yixian cave, Hebei Province, China, Liao Dynasty, 11th century - Royal Ontario Museum - DSC09807.JPG|Luohan statue, Liao dynasty, 11th century

File:1090-1110 Buddha Sakyamuni anagoria IMG7142.JPG|Liao era bronze figure of Gautama Buddha

File:Bronze Guanyin statue from Liao Shangjing.jpg|Bronze Guanyin statue from the Chinese section of the Supreme Capital

File:辽彩绘木雕观音立像.jpg|Liao era painted wooden statue of Guanyin

File:Bodhisattva Guanyin Liao China 10th century CE Penn Museum 03.jpg|Bronze statue of Guanyin, Liao dynasty, 10th century

Cultural legacy

The influence of the Liao dynasty on subsequent culture includes a large legacy of statuary art works, with important surviving examples in painted wood, metal, and three-color glazed sancai ceramics. The music and songs of the Liao dynasty are also known to have indirectly or directly influenced Mongol, Jurchen, and Chinese musical traditions.

The rhythmic and tonal pattern of the ci (词) form of poetry, an important part of Song dynasty poetry, uses a set of poetic meters and is based upon certain definitive musical song tunes. The specific origin of these various original tunes and musical modes is not known, but the influence of Liao dynasty lyrics both directly and indirectly through the music and lyrics of the Jurchen Jin dynasty appears likely. At least one Han Chinese source considered the Liao (and Jurchen) music to be the vigorous and powerful music of horse-mounted warriors, diffused through border warfare.

Another influence of the Liao cultural tradition is seen in the Yuan dynasty's zaju (杂剧) theater, its associated orchestration, and the qu (曲) and sanqu (散曲) forms of Classical Chinese poetry. One documented way in which this influence occurred was through the incorporation of Khitan officers and men into the service of the Mongol forces during the first Mongol invasion of 1211 to 1215. This northern route of cultural transmission of the legacy of Liao culture was then returned to China during the Yuan dynasty.

Historic site

The Chinese state news agency Xinhua announced in January 2018 that the ruins in Duolun County, Inner Mongolia, of an ancient palace that served as the summer retreat for the royal family and retinue of the Liao Dynasty, had been discovered. They would move each year from mid-April to mid-July to avoid the heat. The site includes foundations of 12 buildings of more than 2,500 square feet that have been recorded and artifacts, such as glazed tiles, pottery and copper nails that were used to date the site.

歷史

松漠建國

契丹源於鮮卑，即為東胡後裔，北魏道武帝時出現，當時聚居于遼水上游一帶，自稱青牛白馬之後。648年唐太宗在契丹人領地設置松漠都督府，酋長任都督並賜李姓。契丹在660年唐高宗時反叛自立，並與李唐脫離關係，開元年間再度歸附，安史之亂後大唐國力衰微，契丹時而複叛，松漠都督府逐漸空殼化。晚唐時契丹迭刺部的首領耶律阿保機崛起並征服各部，取代痕德堇可汗後於907年即可汗位。他先後鎮壓了契丹貴族的叛亂和征服奚、室韋、黠嘎斯、阻蔔等部落，並且握有蒙古地區的產鹽區，在軍事與經濟方面都十分強盛。915年耶律阿保機出征室韋得勝回國，但被迫交出汗位，不久他在灤河邊建設了一座仿幽州的城敦。916年3月17日耶律阿保機建立契丹國，即遼太祖。

遼太祖掠奪中原的人口，收留因河北戰爭的流民，在草原上按照中原風格建立城敦以安置他們。並且任用韓延徽、韓知古、康默記與盧文進等漢人為佐命功臣。918年遼太祖建皇都臨潢府（今內蒙古巴林左旗南）。兩年後創建契丹大字並推行之。在軍事方面，他於925年東征渤海國，於舊地建立東丹國以統治渤海遺民，冊立皇太子耶律倍為東丹王。遼太祖一直有南征中原的意圖，然而於攻滅渤海後的隔年，在回師途中病倒，最後逝世。其妻述律平宣佈攝政，以次子耶律德光總攬朝政，屠殺政敵數百人以穩定政權。927年，耶律德光在述律平的支持下即位，即遼太宗。930年，東丹王耶律倍南逃後唐，遼太宗統一了契丹。

南下中原

936年後唐發生內亂，河東節度使石敬瑭以自稱兒皇帝、割讓燕雲十六州為條件，請求遼太宗支援攻打後唐。遼太宗遂親率5萬騎兵，於晉陽、洛陽等地擊敗後唐軍，最後協助石敬塘攻滅後唐，石敬塘得以建國後晉。契丹國獲得燕雲十六州後，將燕雲十六州建設成為進一步南下的基地。為了統治當地漢族，遼太宗採取「因俗而治」的統治方式，實行通過南北兩面官分治漢人和契丹人的兩院制。定幽州為南京、雲州為西京。

944年後晉出帝即位，他不願向契丹臣服，上表稱孫不稱臣。遼太宗趁機率軍南下。947年，契丹軍攻克後晉首都開封，後晉亡，遼太宗改國號為大遼（另一說指契丹早於會同元年（公元938年）改國號為大遼）。雖然遼太宗有長久經營中原的意圖，然而因縱兵掠奪民財，以及不讓諸位節度使返回鎮地，招來中原人民的反抗。四月，遼太宗被迫引軍北返，最後在河北欒城病逝。947年位於中原的耶律吼等將領擁立耶律阮為帝，是為遼世宗。在上京臨潢府的太后述律平想讓其子耶律李胡繼承帝位，不同意耶律阮稱帝。太后派耶律李胡與耶律阮在遼南京北部的泰德泉交戰，最後由耶律阮打贏這場戰爭。在經過大臣耶律屋質的勸阻之下，太后才認同耶律阮的帝位。

遼世宗任用賢臣耶律屋質，進行一系列改革，將遼太宗時的南面官和北面官合併，成立南北樞密院，廢南、北大王。再其後南北樞密院合併，形成一個樞密院。遼世宗的官制改革使遼朝從部落聯盟演進為中央集權。遼世宗在位期間，一直不忘佔領中原的期望，多次對中原用兵。然而遼世宗好酒色，喜愛打獵。晚年更是任用奸佞，大興封賞降殺，導致朝政不修，政治腐敗。951年，遼世宗協助北漢攻打後周，行軍至歸化 （今內蒙古呼和浩特）的祥古山時，由於其他部隊未到，先行駐紮在火神澱（今河北宣化西）。其間喝酒、打人、打獵，眾將很是不滿。最後被耶律察割殺死於夢鄉中。

衰退與穩固

951年耶律察割在火神澱（今河北宣化）發動政變，殺遼世宗並自行稱帝，遼太宗之長子耶律璟和耶律屋質等率兵殺死耶律察割後，被立為帝，即遼穆宗。遼穆宗雖討厭女色，而無所出，但卻經常酗酒，天亮才睡，中午方醒，因此長時期不理朝政，國人稱之為「睡王」。遼穆宗前期，朝廷內部不穩，離心離德，大臣經常發生叛亂或是南奔中原的事件：952年六月，蕭眉古得欲叛遼南奔後周，陰謀敗露，被殺。七月，政事令耶律婁國、林牙耶律敵烈等謀亂，耶律婁國被捕後伏誅。953年十月，耶律李胡之子耶律宛等人謀反，事情被察覺後被捕。960年七月，政事令耶律壽遠、太保楚阿不等人謀反，事敗伏誅。十月，耶律李胡之子耶律喜隱謀反，事敗被捕，因供詞牽涉耶律李胡，耶律李胡入獄而死。

由於政局動盪不安，迫使遼穆宗停止了遼太宗、遼世宗一貫執行的南伐中原政策，以恢復因長期戰事而消損的國力，與南唐、北漢聯合對抗遂漸強盛的後周。959年後周發動北伐，遼朝寧州（今河北青縣）刺史王洪舉城投降。周軍隨後攻克益津關（今河北霸州）、瓦橋關，莫州、瀛州刺史劉楚信、高彥暉也舉城投降。當時後周世宗欲一鼓作氣，直取幽州，遼穆宗甚至有意放棄燕雲十六州。最後後周世宗因為重病而南返，莫州、瀛州歸後周領有，而遼軍加強防禦，不敢南下。由於遼穆宗本人喜好殺戮，經常親手殺人。同時又愛好打獵到「竟月不視朝」，最後於969年二月被侍人所弒。耶律賢被推舉為帝，即遼景宗，改元為保寧。

遼景宗勤於政事，重用賢臣如室昉、郭襲，使遼朝出現一陣清明。由於遼景宗體弱多病，有時無法上朝，軍國大事多由皇后蕭綽協助處理。遼景宗對遼穆宗時謀反的皇族採比較寬鬆的政策，因而謀亂者少，朝廷比較穩定。遼景宗對外政策仍採不主動南伐中原，而是僅扶持支援北漢的方針。遼景宗前期，遼朝與宋朝聘史往還，互賀節日。宋太宗趙光義統一江南後，於979年親征北漢，遼朝派數萬兵支援北漢。三月，遼軍在白馬嶺（今山西盂縣）與宋軍交戰戰敗，遼將耶律敵烈等人戰死。六月，北漢君主劉繼元降宋。遼朝只能全力固守幽薊。宋太宗乘勝圍攻幽州，遼朝派宰相耶律沙、耶律休哥、耶律斜軫等率軍與宋軍會戰於高梁河（今北京西直門外），史稱高梁河之戰。遼軍最後擊潰宋軍，宋太宗僅以身免，此後宋遼兩國進入了相持狀態。

聖宗盛世

982年遼景宗病逝，遼聖宗繼位，尊蕭綽為皇太后，並由蕭太后攝政。當時蕭太后30歲，遼聖宗12歲，而蕭太后之父蕭思溫於970年被害，無嗣，使得蕭太后也沒有外戚可以依靠。而諸王宗室二百餘人擁兵自重，控制朝廷，對蕭太后及遼聖宗構成了莫大的威脅。蕭太后先重用大臣耶律斜軫、韓德讓參決大政，南面軍事委派給耶律休哥，撤換一批大臣，並下令諸王不得相互宴請，要求他們無事不出門，並設法解除他們的兵權。在這些行動後，遼聖宗和蕭太后的地位才穩定下來。蕭太后攝政二十七年，傳聞曾改嫁給韓德讓。在她執政期間進行改革，並且勵精圖治，注重農桑，興修水利，減少賦稅，整頓吏治，訓練軍隊，使遼朝百姓富裕，國勢強盛。1009年遼聖宗親政後，遼朝已進入鼎盛，基本上延續蕭太后執政時的遼朝風貌，反對嚴刑峻法，並且防止貪汙事件。在文教方面，遼聖宗實行科舉，編修佛經，佛教極為盛行。在位其間四方征戰，對宋戰爭屢屢獲勝，俘獲號稱楊無敵的宋朝名將楊繼業。

北宋立國之初即有意要收復燕雲十六州，先後於979年、986年兩度北伐，皆為遼軍所擊敗。遼聖宗為了防止高麗與宋朝結盟，進而威脅遼朝東部，於993年發動高麗契丹戰爭以降服高麗，於1009年的東征時最遠攻入高麗開城。之後為解決遼宋之間的長期對抗，以及避免契丹貴族威脅皇權，蕭太后與遼聖宗於1004年親率大軍深入宋境。宋真宗畏敵，欲遷都南逃，因宰相寇準堅持而親至澶州（今河南濮陽）督戰。宋軍士氣大振，擊敗遼軍前鋒，遼將蕭撻凜戰死。遼軍恐腹背受敵，提出和約。主和的宋真宗於次年初與遼訂立和約，協定宋每年貢遼歲幣銀十萬兩、絹二十萬匹，雙方各守疆界，互不騷擾，成為兄弟之邦，此即澶淵之盟，從此兩朝和好達一百二十年之久。之後遼聖宗結好西夏，而西夏也搖擺於宋、遼之間以圖存，形成遼宋西夏三國鼎立的局勢。

三國鼎立

1031年遼聖宗去世，長子耶律宗真即位，即遼興宗。遼興宗其生母蕭耨斤（即法天太后）自立為皇太后並攝政，並派人殺死遼興宗的養母齊天皇后蕭菩薩哥。法天太后重用在遼聖宗時代被裁示永不錄用的貪官汙吏以及其娘家的人。遼興宗因無權而不能救，母子因此結怨。法天太后對遼興宗並不信任，打算改立次子耶律宗元（即耶律重元）為帝。耶律宗元把這一事告訴興宗。遼興宗怒不可遏，於1034年用武力廢除法天太后，迫法天太后「躬守慶陵」，大殺太后親信。七月，遼興宗親政，修建陵園安葬齊天皇后。而後，把法天太后接回來，並與她保持十里的距離，以防不測。興宗母子的感情裂痕始終沒有填平。

遼興宗在位時，遼朝國勢已日益衰落。而有遼興宗一朝，奸佞當權，政治腐敗，百姓困苦，軍隊衰弱。面對日益衰落的國勢，遼興宗連年征戰，多次征伐西夏；逼迫宋朝多交納歲幣。但是這些反而使遼朝百姓怨聲載道，民不聊生。遼興宗還迷信佛教，窮奢極欲。遼興宗曾與其弟耶律宗元賭博，一連輸了幾個城池。他對自己的弟弟耶律宗元非常感激，一次酒醉時答應百年之後傳位給耶律宗元。其子耶律洪基（即為後來的遼道宗），也未曾封為皇太子，只封為天下兵馬大元帥而已。這種下了遼道宗繼位後，耶律宗元父子企圖謀奪帝位的惡果。

宋夏戰爭後北宋內外交困之際，使得遼朝趁機侵宋。在徵求張儉的意見後，一面派其弟耶律宗元和蕭惠在邊境製造欲攻宋的虛張聲勢，一面派蕭特末（漢名蕭英）和劉六符於1042年正月去宋朝索要瓦橋關南十縣地。宋朝派富弼與遼方使節談判，此即重熙增幣。雙方於九月達成協議，在澶淵之盟規定贈遼歲幣基礎中，再增加增歲幣銀十萬兩、絹十萬匹以了結這次索地之爭。遼興宗還派耶律仁先和劉六符再次使宋爭得一個「納」字，即歲幣是宋方納給遼方的，不是贈送的。宋仁宗也委曲求全予以應允，而條件是遼朝須逼西夏與宋朝和談。因此，在遼宋和好之後，為答應宋朝要求，遼夏關係惡化並發生遼夏戰爭。遼興宗兩次親征西夏，均遭失敗，而西夏最後願意分別向遼和宋稱臣進貢。

道宗中衰與女真威脅

遼道宗繼位後，1063年七月耶律宗元聽從兒子的勸說，發動叛亂，自立為帝，不久被遼道宗所平，耶律宗元自盡，史稱灤河之亂。遼道宗在位期間，遼政治腐敗，國勢逐漸衰落。道宗並沒有進行改革圖新，而且本人也腐朽奢侈，這時地主官僚急劇兼併土地，百姓痛苦不堪，怨聲載道。遼道宗重用耶律乙辛等奸佞，自己不理朝政，並聽信耶律乙辛的讒言，相信皇后蕭觀音與伶官趙惟一通姦而賜死皇后。而同時耶律乙辛為防太子登基對自己不利，故陷害皇太子耶律濬，並將其殺害，史稱十香詞冤案。後來，一位姓李的婦女向遼道宗進「挾穀歌」遼道宗才把皇太子的兒女接進宮。1079年七月，耶律乙辛乘遼道宗遊獵的時候意圖謀害皇孫耶律延禧，遼道宗接納大臣的勸諫，命皇孫一同秋獵，才化解耶律乙辛的陰謀。大康九年，遼道宗追封故太子為昭懷太子，以天子禮改葬。同年十月，耶律乙辛企圖帶私藏武器到宋朝避難，事敗被誅。1101年正月，遼道宗去世，皇孫耶律延禧繼位，即天祚帝/遼恭宗。當時西夏夏崇宗因受到北宋攻擊一再向遼求援，並求天祚帝女尚公主為妻。最後天祚帝於1105年將一個族女耶律南仙提升為公主嫁給夏崇宗，並派使者赴宋，勸北宋對西夏和談。

1112年二月十日天祚帝赴春州，召集附近女真族的酋長來朝，宴席中醉酒後令諸位酋長為他跳舞，只有完顏阿骨打不肯。天祚帝不以為意，但從此完顏阿骨打與遼朝之間不和。九月，完顏阿骨打不再奉詔，並開始對其他不服從他的女真部落用兵。1114年春，完顏阿骨打正式起兵反遼。一開始天祚帝並未將完顏阿骨打當作一個重大威脅，但是所有他派去鎮壓完顏阿骨打的軍隊全部戰敗。1115年天祚帝為瞭解決女真的威脅，下令親征，但是遼軍到處被女真軍擊敗，完顏阿骨打也自稱皇帝，建立金朝，即金太祖。遼朝於同年發生內亂，耶律章奴在遼上京叛亂，雖然這場叛亂很快就被平定，但是分裂了遼朝內部。此後位於原渤海國的東京也發生高永昌叛亂自立，這場叛亂一直到1116年四月才被平定。五月女真藉機佔領了遼東京和瀋州。1117年女真攻春州，遼軍不戰自敗。

分裂與滅亡

1120年金軍攻克遼上京，守將蕭撻不也投降，到1121年遼朝已經失去一半的領土。遼將統伊都等人到咸州（今遼寧開原）請降，天祚帝逃到鴛鴦濼（今河北赤城），奔向遼西京。金軍追擊，天祚帝又逃到伊蘇部。而內部又發生因為皇位繼承問題而爆發的內亂，最後天祚帝殺他的長子耶律敖魯斡而結束，但是這使得更多的遼兵投降金朝。1122年正月，金軍攻克遼中京，天祚帝被金兵所迫，流亡夾山。

由於位於遼南京的耶律大石與李處溫等人不知天祚帝去向，他們擁立耶律淳為帝，即天錫帝，史稱北遼。天錫帝降天祚帝為湘陰王，並遣大使奉表於金朝，乞為附庸。可是事未完成，他就病死，妻遼德妃稱制，改年號為德興。此時遼臣李處溫父子覺得前景不妙，打算向南私通北宋的童貫，欲劫持遼德妃納土於宋。向北私通金人，作金的內應。後她發現他們罪行而賜死之。當年十一月，遼德妃五次上表給金朝，只要允許立耶律定為遼帝，其他條件均答應。金人不許，她只好派兵死守居庸關，十一月居庸關失守，十二月遼南京被攻破。遼德妃帶著隨從的官員投靠天祚帝，天祚帝誅殺她。

1123年正月，在上京的回離保（蕭幹）自立，號奚國皇帝，八月平定。1124年，天祚帝已經失去了遼朝的大部分土地，他的兒子和家屬大多數被殺或被俘，天祚帝退出漠外，準備投奔西夏。1125年3月26日，天祚帝在應州被為金人完顏婁室等所俘，遼朝亡。八月天祚帝被解送金上京（今黑龍江阿城），金太宗封為海濱王。1128年，天祚帝病故，遺臣蕭朮者對故主行人臣之禮。

西遼續國

此後，遼朝貴族耶律大石在西北召集殘部，控制了蒙古高原和新疆東部一帶。1130年，由於受到金兵的壓迫，耶律大石決定放棄蒙古高原，率部西征。1132年，耶律大石在葉密立（今新疆額敏）稱帝，國號仍為「遼」，史稱西遼（西方稱為黑契丹或哈剌契丹），首都虎思斡魯朵（今吉爾吉斯托克馬克東南布拉納城）。西遼曾一度擴張到中亞，成為中亞強國。1143年，耶律大石去世，廟號德宗。之後，西遼歷經感天皇后蕭塔不煙（改元稱制）、仁宗耶律夷列、承天皇后耶律普速完（改元稱制）和天禧帝耶律直魯古的統治，1211年，突厥乃蠻部貴族屈出律篡位稱帝。最終，西遼於1218年被成吉思汗的蒙古軍隊所滅，立國凡87年。

1212年，遼朝宗室耶律留哥在隆安（今吉林農安）、韓州（今吉林梨樹）一帶起軍反抗金朝，並且受到蒙古帝國的庇護。隔年三月，耶律留哥稱王，國號遼，史稱東遼。1216年初，耶律留哥之弟耶律廝不叛變，在澄州稱帝，史稱後遼。耶律廝不不久被部下所殺，眾推耶律乞奴為監國。同年秋，木華黎率蒙古軍東下，耶律乞奴等不敵，率九萬契丹族越過鴨綠江進入高麗境內。不久契丹諸貴族自相殘殺，後遼最後於1220年滅亡。耶律留哥建國後依然歸附蒙古帝國，成為其藩屬，1270年元世祖撤藩，東遼正式滅亡。

疆域與行政區劃

遼朝初期的疆域在今遼河流域上游一帶，在遼太祖及遼太宗時期不斷對外擴張，遼太祖時征服奚（今河北北部）、烏古、黑車子室韋（今內蒙古東部呼倫湖東南）、韃靼、回鶻與渤海國。938年遼太宗時取得燕雲十六州，並一度佔有中原。1005年遼聖宗與北宋簽定澶淵之盟，最後確定了與宋的邊界。遼朝全盛時，疆域東北至今庫頁島，北至蒙古國中部的色楞格河、石勒喀河一帶，西到阿爾泰山，南部至今天津市的海河、河北省霸縣、山西省雁門關一線與北宋交界，與當時統治中原的宋朝相對峙，形成南北朝對峙之勢。

遼朝於契丹國時期領有八部，建立遼國後的行政區劃為道、府（州）、縣三級。共有5京、6府，156州（軍、城），309縣。道有五個，每個道有一個政治中心，稱為京，並以京的名稱來命名道。道下設府、州、軍、城4種政區，為同一級別。

• 五個道：上京道、中京道、東京道、南京道和西京道；

• 府：

　• 京府：上京臨潢府、中京大定府、東京遼陽府、南京析津府、西京大同府；

　• 率賓府、定理府、鐵利府、安定府、長嶺府、鎮海府和興中府，1041年興中府升霸州置今朝陽，這7府的地位比京府略低。

• 州： 分等，從高依次為：節度州、觀察州、防禦州、刺史州；

• 縣：遼朝還設有與縣同級的州、軍、城。

遼朝政治的核心是因俗而治，以該文化的典章制度統治該族人民，這個特色在行政區劃也看得出來。在契丹部落時期就征服鄰近的奚族，於當地依舊立奚王，建立自己的政府機構。契丹國時期攻滅渤海國，為了便於統治渤海人民，於當地建立東丹國，沿襲渤海國行政體制。東丹國最後被廢，改為中臺省。在佔領燕雲十六州後，也在當地也沿襲後唐行政體制以便於統治當地漢人。

而頭下軍州是遼朝一種特殊建置。契丹貴族將所俘掠的人口，建立州、軍安置，督迫其為主人勞作。遼諸王、外戚、大臣所領有的頭下軍州可建城郭，其餘只能有自己的頭下寨堡。頭下軍州多設在潢河流域契丹住地。俘戶主要是河北、山西的漢人和東北地區的渤海人。頭下州縣名稱，常採用俘戶原籍州縣名稱，如俘衛州民，建衛州；俘三河縣民，建三河縣；俘密雲民，建密雲縣等。頭下軍州的制度到遼聖宗時期逐漸廢除。

五京制度與捺缽制度

遼朝如同宋朝，也有五京制度，主要是為控制因戰爭獲的土地而設置的，或是因為爭奪一地而設置的前進基地。這些先後成立的五京為上京臨潢府（今內蒙古林東）、因控制奚領地而設置的中京大定府（今內蒙古寧城）、因為渤海遺民設置的東京遼陽府（今遼寧遼陽）、因為燕雲十六州而設置控制漢地的南京析津府（今北京）與監視西夏的西京大同府（今山西大同）。五京中，只有上京是首都，其他均是陪都。然而遼中京至澶淵之盟後，其政治作用加強，地位直逼上京的首都地位。

捺缽，即「行在」、「營盤」，為遼帝的行宮。遼朝雖以上京臨潢府作為首都，但其政治核心在捺缽。這是因為契丹族轉徙不定、車馬為家的特性，決定了皇帝的巡狩制。一切重大政治問題均在捺缽隨時決定，是處理政務的行政中心。每年又「四時巡守」，「四時各有行在之所，謂之捺缽」。皇帝在遊獵地區設的行帳，以區別於皇都的宮帳。因氣候、自然條件的制約，四時各有捺缽之地。

遼太宗時，取燕雲十六州後，其國土包括長城以南的廣大地區，為保持契丹族的騎射善戰傳統的經濟生活，仍然過著「轉徙隨時，車馬為家」的生活。正如《遼史》中記載的「遼國盡有大漠，浸包長城之境，因宜為治，秋冬違寒，春夏避暑，隨水草就畋漁，歲以為常」，四時各有行在之所，在這種特殊經濟、政治、文化背景下，在契丹的管理體制上，逐漸形成了一套縣有鮮明遊牧契丹民族獨特特點的四時捺缽制度。契丹皇帝四時巡行的宮帳（也稱牙帳），即春捺缽、夏捺缽、秋捺缽、冬捺缽。

政治體制

由於遼朝屬於多民族國家，其政治體制融合契丹體制與唐宋體制而形成南北院制。南北院制分成北面官制和南面官制，以「本族之制治契丹，以漢制待漢人」，藉此保護契丹固有文化與政治體制。北面官治宮帳、部族、屬國之政，南面官治漢人州縣、租賦、軍馬之事，因俗而治。

北面官制中，北南樞密院是遼朝最高官制，北樞密院掌管全國軍政，類似唐朝的兵部；南樞密院掌管銓選、丁賦等政。北樞密院管轄契丹族在內的少數民族，南樞密院管轄漢族以及州、郡、縣。樞密院下還設北南宰相府，北、南宰相都由皇族耶律氏和後族蕭氏所把持。此外還有管理契丹或漢族軍民之事的北南大王院、管理北南院御前祗應之的北南宣徽院、管理皇室教育的大內惕隱司、管理刑獄的夷離畢院、管理文翰之事的大林牙院與管理禮儀的敵烈麻都司等。

南面官制的官名及職掌沿襲唐朝制度，並參照五代和宋朝的官制。以太尉、司徒、司空為三公；太師、太傅、太保為三師。在其下設有中書省、門下省、尚書省等三省。其下有六部與大理寺。還有御史台、翰林院（又稱南面林牙）、國史院、太常寺以及諸監、衛等。官有實授、遙授之分。職事官與散官及階、勳、憲銜、封爵、食邑戶數等配套。遼代官名多有契丹語官名，如林牙即翰林，惕隱掌管皇族政教，夷離畢掌管刑獄，乙裡免為誥命夫人等。而朝廷重要職位都掌握在契丹人手中，尤其是帝系和外戚手中。

遼朝的法律因俗而治，使用雙軌制度，基本原則以國制治契丹，以漢制待漢人。契丹人採屬人主義，漢人採屬地主義。早期有民族岐視，契丹制度較為寬鬆，而漢地由於繼承歷代法律，法條較為綿密。遼聖宗時契丹人法也用漢律來斷，這反映漢人地位的提升。而皇帝往往隨意殺人，無法無天，遼穆宗尤甚。後期漢人附屬感漸增，如遼亡前王介儒說：「南朝每謂南人思漢，殊不思自割屬契丹已近二百年，豈無君臣父子之情？」「諺語有之：一馬不備二鞍，一女不嫁二夫。為人臣豈事二主？燕中士大夫豈不念此！」

外交與對外關係

契丹族原臣服唐朝，被唐朝設立為松漠都督府。於晚唐五代時建立契丹國獨立，並且屢次入侵河北地區。五代後唐末年，遼太宗接受石敬瑭的請求，協助他建立後晉取代後唐，以獲得燕雲十六州與後晉的臣服。不久又南征中原，滅後晉以建立遼朝。至此遼朝與中原的外交關係首度轉為遼朝居上，中原臣服的狀態。之後遼朝衰退，後周與北宋為了燕雲十六州又相繼北伐，雙方恢復對峙的局面。遼朝採取防禦策略，並且扶持北漢對抗中原的北伐，屢次抵禦中原的進攻。直到遼聖宗時，經過充分準備之後，再度發動南征，率遼軍直逼北宋的澶州。最後雙方訂立澶淵之盟，遼朝與北宋建立大致上平等的外交關係，長達120年，雙方並且加強經濟和貿易往來。

1042年遼興宗乘宋夏戰爭後北宋內外交困之際，率重兵陳列遼宋邊界，並派蕭特末（漢名蕭英）和劉六符去宋朝索要瓦橋關南十縣地。宋朝派富弼與遼方使節談判，雙方於九月達成協議，此即重熙增幣。最後增加增歲幣銀十萬兩、絹十萬匹以了結這次索地之爭。遼興宗還派耶律仁先和劉六符再次使宋爭得一個「納」字，即歲幣是宋方納給遼方的，不是贈送的。宋臣富弼建議宋仁宗答應要求，並且要求遼朝約束西夏作為條件以破壞遼與西夏的關係，最後使遼興宗兩次親征西夏，勞民傷災。遼朝晚期因受女真族建立的金朝入侵，加上朝廷內部分裂與內鬥，使遼朝有意與北宋和談。但是北宋已經與金朝建立海上之盟而共同伐遼，所以拒絕和談，最後遼朝亡於金朝。

遼朝於926年滅渤海國後與高麗接觸。942年送給高麗50匹駱駝，但遭高麗太祖拒絕。遼使被放逐到孤島，所送駱駝也都被餓死。至此遼朝多次襲擾高麗邊界，993年，遼聖宗率大軍越過鴨綠江入侵高麗。最後雙方和談，在高麗同意斷絕與宋的聯盟後，遼聖宗率軍北返，雙方建立友好的睦鄰關係。1009年高麗發生軍變。遼聖宗趁機入侵高麗，最後在攻下開城後北返。1018年，遼朝率大軍再度東征高麗。但不敵高麗軍隊。雙方之後談和，以後遼朝再也沒有入侵高麗。

遼朝與西北諸國保持著較為友好和睦的往來。遼朝西境的主要鄰國西夏，長期以來，一直與遼朝保有朝貢和聯姻關係。一度為遼藩屬，被稱為甥舅之邦。遼朝與西域諸國的關係也源遠流長。早在遼太祖耶律阿保機時，就曾經率軍西征，使西域諸國相繼臣服。統和年間，王太妃出師西域，1003年建可敦城，作為西北的邊防重鎮，經過多年的經營，使遼朝的勢力範圍涵蓋漠南、漠北與西域之地。遼朝政府對這些降附的部落屬國，均採取「因遷種落，內置三部」的羈縻政策，使的這些國家互相監督，皆不願背叛遼朝。這些都使蔥嶺以東的甘州回鶻、西州回鶻與蔥嶺以西的喀喇汗國，基本上都是親附遼朝，其與北宋的關係較疏。此外，西亞的波斯與大食(加茲尼王朝)在遼初也相繼道使來通好。天贊二年，波斯使來，其明年大食使來。大食國王遣使為王子請婚，未允。次年，復遣使請婚，遼聖宗以宗室之女嫁之。

因此，在唐朝滅亡之後，西域、西亞與東歐地區皆將遼朝（契丹）作為中國的代表稱謂。中亞和西亞的伊斯蘭兵書中，還將中國傳過去的火藥與火器稱為「契丹花」、「契丹火箭」等。直到今日，俄羅斯民族的語言和文字當中，也依舊以契丹作為中國的稱呼。

軍事制度

遼朝的軍隊，平時約在二十萬至三十萬左右。契丹是遊牧民族，善於騎射，平時放牧漁獵，既是生產經濟活動，也是軍事練習，有戰爭很快即可集合成軍。由於全民皆兵，遼朝所能動員的兵力在總人口當中，比例很高，為164萬2800人。由於保留著原始部族的痕跡，並處於由奴隸制向封建制迅速轉化的歷史階段，軍事制度初期多與本民族社會制度合為一體，進入長城以南地區後，既保有本民族特色，又逐步接受漢族影響，具有民族融合的特點。遼朝皇帝親掌最高兵權。下設北南樞密院。北樞密院為最高軍事行政機構，一般由契丹人主管﹔南樞密院亦稱漢人樞密院，掌漢人兵馬之政，因而出現一個朝廷兩種軍事體制並存的局面。 　

遼朝兵制分為宮帳軍、部族軍、京州軍和屬國軍。宮帳軍，即皮室軍，徵集直屬皇帝的著帳戶壯丁組成，是契丹族親軍，供宿衛和征戰，「以行營為宮，選諸部豪健千人，置腹心部」。部族軍，主要由契丹以外的部族壯丁組成，供守衛四邊。以上兩種部隊是遼軍的主力。京州軍，亦稱五州鄉軍，徵集五京道各州縣的漢族、渤海族等的壯丁組成。屬國軍，由臣屬國壯丁組成。後兩種部隊為輔助兵力。遼初，貴族男子人人服兵役，年齡在15～50歲之間的列籍正軍，兵器、戰馬自備。並且時常派遣掠奪周邊物資，時稱打草穀。遼軍以騎兵為主，主要武器是弓箭和刀槍。後期從宋朝傳入拋石機，編有炮手軍。

遼朝軍制十分重要的一點便是所謂的斡魯朵制度，即宮衛制度。斡魯朵意為宮帳或宮殿之意，這是直屬於遼國皇帝及太后的禁衛，另外皇室貴族或受皇帝特別恩寵的大臣也有自己的斡魯朵。斡魯朵制度對加強皇權，維護耶律氏的統治有相當重要的作用。當主人去世後，斡魯朵的人員就變成主人陵墓的守衛者。遼朝共計有十二宮一府。而當代皇帝的斡魯朵出巡時，所有前朝的斡魯朵守衛都要隨行出動當守衛者，所以越後代皇帝的出巡規模就越大。

經濟

契丹族本是遊牧民族，原本是「畋漁以食、皮毛以衣、馬逐水草、人仰湩酩」。遊牧民族經濟上的弱點，在契丹立國之前大致上解決。以人為方式在遊牧地區內營造綠洲，再將農耕民族移居其中。契丹人從事農業、手工業，都是由遼太祖的祖父、父親以及伯父等傳入契丹，又傳授紡織。遼在各地均設群牧使司以管理官有的牲畜。遼朝皇帝使農牧業共同發展繁榮，各得其所，建立獨特的、比較完整的管理體制。

農業

遼朝境內農作物品種齊全，既有粟、麥、稻、穄等糧食作物，也有蔬菜瓜果。他們借鑒和學習中原的農業技術，引進作物品種，還從回鶻引進了西瓜、回鶻豆等瓜果品種，結合北方氣候特點形成了一套獨特的作物栽培技術。遼朝的土地有公田和私田兩類。在沿邊設置的屯田自然是公田。募民耕種的在官閒田也是公田，百姓領種十年以後，要對朝廷繳納租賦。至於所說的「占田置業入稅」則是私田了。估計屯田多集中在北部沿邊，私田則多在遼國南境。在契丹的漢人依然是以男耕女織的方法維持家庭收入。同時，契丹將戰爭中俘掠的漢人，安置在契丹腹心地區，建立許多頭下軍州。除少部分需上繳，其餘收入皆歸頭下主所有。遼廷為了鼓勵人民開闢荒地，立例若成功開闢農地可免租賦十年，形成契丹特有的農牧混合經濟。遇到兵荒、歲饑之年，也要減、免賦稅，991年1月遼聖宗時期，「詔免三京諸道租稅，仍罷括田」。1075年9月遼道宗時期，「以南京饑，免租稅一年，仍出錢粟振之」。遼朝從事農業生產的居民被編入州縣，包括擁有少量土地的自耕農和靠租種地主土地為生的佃戶。他們無論經濟地位如何，都是具有自由民身分的國家編戶，並承擔著國家的賦役負擔。寺廟的佃戶多是貴族、官僚隨同土地一起轉贈的，是既向國家納稅又向寺廟交租的另一種形式的稅戶。

畜牧業

遼朝的畜牧業十分發達，契丹人的牧業經濟得到了較大發展。牧業是契丹等部落民的生活來源，也是遼朝所以武力強盛、所向克捷的物質條件。當時陰山以北至臚朐河，土河、潢水至撻魯河、額爾古納河流域，歷來有優良的牧場。契丹各部和屬部中的阻卜、烏古、敵烈、回鶻、黨項等，主要從事遊牧業。羊、馬是契丹等遊牧民的主要生活資料：乳肉是食品，皮毛為衣被，馬、駱駝則是重要的交通工具。戰爭和射獵活動中馬匹又是不可缺少的裝備。因此，「蕃漢人戶亦以牧養多少為高下」。阿保機之妻述律氏曾自豪地說：「我有西樓羊馬之富，其樂不可勝窮也」。羊、馬也是遼朝向契丹諸部和西北、東北屬國、屬部徵收的賦稅和貢品，是遼朝的重要經濟來源，因而受到統治集團的重視。遊牧的契丹人，編入相應的部落和石烈，在部落首領的管理下，在部落的分地上從事牧業生產，承擔著部落和國家的賦役負擔，沒有朝廷和部落首領的允許，不能隨意脫離本部。他們是牧區的勞動者、牧業生產的主要承擔者，是部落貴族的屬民。

手工業

遼代的冶鐵業發達，發掘出土鐵制的農業工具、炊具、馬具、手工工具可與中原的產品相媲美。遼東是遼朝產鐵要地，促進遼朝冶鐵業的發展。初期，曾以橫帳和大族奴隸置曷術石烈，從事冶煉。「曷術」，即契丹語「鐵」。曷術石烈在聖宗時因戶口繁息和生產關係的變化，改編為部，仍以鐵為賦。遼在手山、三黜古斯和柳濕河分置三冶。其中手山為今遼寧省鞍山市的首山，這裡的礦冶史最晚當起自遼代。

遼代陶藝受唐代影響，墓葬出土文物則顯示部分宋代器皿及其他器皿自國外輸入，但金、銀器製作亦採用唐、宋的金屬打製和鍍金技術。遼瓷在中國陶瓷發展史上佔有重要地位，瓷器的造型可分為中原式和契丹式兩類，中原式仿造中原的風格燒造，有碗、盤、杯、碟、盂、盒、壺、瓶等，契丹式則仿造本族習慣使用的皮製、木製等容器樣式燒造，器類有瓶、壺、盤、碟，造型獨具一格。缸瓦窯村窯是一處目前所知遼代最大的古瓷窯遺址，可生產白釉、單釉和三彩釉瓷以及宮廷所用的官窯器物。遼代的鎏金、鎏銀、染織、造馬具、制瓷以及造紙等手工業門類齊全，工藝精湛。契丹鞍與端硯、蜀錦、定瓷更被北宋《袖中錦》評比為「天下第一」。陳國公主與駙馬墓、耶律羽之墓等貴族墓葬出土的精美金銀器都反映出契丹獨特的民族特色和高度的工藝技術水準。如在內蒙古翁牛特旗廣德公鄉遼墓出土的雙猴綠釉雞冠壺和龍首綠釉雞冠壺就是仿契丹族皮囊容器的模式，在壺體側邊作出仿皮革縫製的痕跡，此類壺是契丹民族特有的生活器皿。

商業

隨著農、牧、手工業的發展，交換逐漸頻繁，商業活動也日益活躍。早期，遼太祖在炭山北建羊城，「起榷務以通諸道市易」。後版圖擴大，建置完善，經濟成分增加，範圍擴大，商業也有了進一步的發展。遼五京相繼建成後，都成了遼朝的重要商業城市。遼朝與周邊各政權、各民族、國家的經濟往來多以朝貢和互市的方式進行。由於商業的發展，遼朝境內也出現了富有的商人階層，他們或經商於五京、州縣，或來往於遼、五代諸國或宋朝，有的甚至成為代表遼朝辦理交涉的使臣，如遼太宗時的回圖使喬榮經商於後晉，又為遼朝商業貿易的代表，並可作為使臣與後晉交涉政務。西京歸化州的韓師訓也是富甲一方的商人。

遼代物價甚低，雖有鹽酒之稅，但各地稅率並不一致。商業貿易的繁榮促進了貨幣經濟的發展。據文獻記載，耶律阿保機之父撒剌的時，已開始鑄造貨幣。然而貨幣使用量不多，遼世宗時，上京還處在交易無錢而用布的狀態。各地都用不同貨幣，如聖宗以前所鑄的遼錢極少，聖宗之後稍微多了一些，但在流通貨幣中，所佔數量仍甚少，不及百分之二，主要的是宋錢，其次是唐及五代及其他朝代的錢；在對外交易方面，遼主要與宋和西夏等通過邊境上的榷場進行互補性的交易。另外與日本、高麗、阿拔斯王朝、基輔公國和喀喇汗國也有貿易往來。

文化

遼朝吸收許多漢文化與渤海國文化。滅渤海後，渤海遺民大量聚居于遼上京、遼東京一帶的州縣，較先進的渤海文化對遼文化有較為廣泛的影響。據漢地幽雲十六州到後來和宋朝的頻繁交往，無論是戰爭還是和平時期的榷場貿易，漢文化對於遼朝的影響都是巨大的。由於大量漢文書籍的翻譯，將中原人民的科學技術、文學、史學成就等介紹到了草原地區，帶動和促進了遊牧民族草原文化的發展。遼朝皇室和契丹貴族多仰慕漢文化，如遼的開國皇帝遼太祖崇拜孔子，先後於上京建國子監，府、州、縣設學，以傳授儒家學說，又建立孔子廟；遼聖宗常閱讀《貞觀政要》、道宗愛看《論語》等；遼道宗時，契丹以「諸夏」自稱，道宗又說「吾修文物，彬彬不異中華。」教育方面實行設學養士和科舉取士。

文學與文字

遼朝文人既用契丹語言文字創作，也大量用漢語文寫作。他們的作品有詩、詞、歌、賦、文、章奏、書簡等各種體裁，有述懷、戒喻、諷諫、敘事等各種題材。作者包括帝後、宗室、群臣、諸部人和著帳郎君子弟。契丹的詩詞既有氣勢磅礡之句，也有清新優美之詞。遼興宗也善為詩文，1050年宋使趙概至遼，遼興宗于席上請概賦《信誓如山河詩》。在遼朝諸帝中，遼道宗文學修養最高，善詩賦，作品清新雅麗，意境深遠。有《題李儼黃菊賦》。宗室東丹王耶律倍有《樂田園詩》、《海上詩》。耶律國留、耶律資宗、耶律昭兄弟三人皆善屬文、工辭章，耶律國留有《兔賦》、《寤寐歌》；耶律資宗出使高麗被留期間，「每懷君親，輒有著述」，後編為《西亭集》；耶律昭因事被流放西北部，致書招討使蕭撻凜，陳安邊之策，詞旨皆可稱。遼道宗的皇后蕭觀音《諫獵疏》、《回心院》和應制詩《君臣同志華夷同風》表達關心社稷安危、致主澤民的政治理想。流傳至今的遼人作品除王鼎的《焚椒錄》外，還有寺公大師的《醉義歌》。《醉義歌》是使用契丹語創作，有金朝耶律履的譯文，只是契丹文原作和耶律履譯文已經失傳，今有耶律履的兒子耶律楚材的漢譯本傳世。

在書目方面，遼設國史院，專修整歷史，設官監修國士、史館學士、修國史等，曾撰寫起居注、日曆、實錄二十卷、國史，又把不少漢人書籍翻譯為遼朝文字，如《五代史》等。當中，遼代所寫的實錄成為元朝脫脫等所編寫的《遼史》主要材料之一。

語言文字方面，漢語與契丹語都是通行的，不少文書都是以這兩種語言寫就。遼代還出現了為佛教信眾學習佛經而編纂的漢字字典《龍龕手鏡》。契丹文是遼代為記錄契丹語而參照漢字創製的文字，分契丹大字和契丹小字兩種形式。但現時已缺少類似的文獻。契丹大字相傳於920年由遼太祖下令耶律突呂不和耶律魯不古參照漢字創制，應有三千餘字；契丹小字由遼太祖弟耶律迭剌參考回鶻文對大字加以改變而成。小字為拼音文字，約五百個發音符號。契丹小字較大字簡便，原字雖少，卻能把契丹語全部貫通。契丹族創字表現出強烈的民族自覺，對其他民族也有不少影響，例如西夏創造党項文字、金朝創造女真文字、元朝創造八思巴文字。契丹字的通行直到1191年金朝金章宗廢除為止。有觀點認為契丹人受印章雕刻啟發，參照雕版印刷術優缺點發明了契丹大字石活字印刷，比畢昇的泥活字早150年。

宗教

遼朝的宗教以佛教和薩滿教為主，此外也崇拜契丹祖先和民間信仰。民族信仰有木葉山崇拜、天地崇拜與拜日神、拜山神等。木葉山崇拜源自契丹始祖出現與契丹八部興起的傳說，帶有薩滿教的文化背景。契丹族於木葉山（今內蒙古西拉木倫河與老哈河合流處）興建契丹祖廟以祭拜始祖，最後發展成遼朝皇室的柴冊儀。

遼朝佛教基本上繼承盛唐的教學佛教。早在唐朝唐武宗發動滅佛事件時因為河北諸藩鎮不聽從，大量僧侶與佛教文物流向河北地區，使得當地佛教文化蓬逢發展。902年龍化州建開教寺，為佛教北傳契丹的起始點。918年遼上京又建佛寺，佛教逐漸為契丹人所信仰和崇尚。926年遼朝滅渤海國後，俘渤海僧人崇文等57人至上京，又建天雄寺。此後，諸京和各州縣也相繼修建寺廟。938年遼朝領有燕雲十六州後，此地逐漸發展成佛教文化重心，到遼朝晚期「僧侶、佛寺之數冠北方」。遼太宗等遼朝皇帝也採取保護佛教政策，尊崇佛教，佛教大盛。遼興宗時覺華島海雲寺僧人海山（郎思孝）與遼興宗關係甚好。遼道宗曾以詩贊譽法均：「行高峰頂松千尺，戒凈天心月一輪。」隨著佛教的傳播，由皇帝下令，寺廟校勘、雕印佛經和個人寫經，集資刻經、印經等活動十分活躍。從山西應縣木塔佛像中發現的丹藏、佛經及佛畫，河北豐潤天寶寺塔發現的佛經，內蒙古巴林右旗釋迦佛舍利塔中發現的佛經，堪稱佛教藝術瑰寶。遼朝完成以《大般若經》為首的主要佛教石刻，於遼興宗時期出版的《契丹大藏經》，其地位僅次於宋朝宋太祖時期開版《蜀版大藏經》，在佛典史上佔有重要地位。

道教和道家思想對契丹人也產生了一定影響。遼初，以各種方式進入草原的漢人中，就有一些道教信仰者。如上京有天長觀，中京有通天觀，一些州城也多有道士和道觀。某些契丹上層和契丹部民也信仰道教。遼聖宗對「道釋二教，皆洞其旨」，其弟耶律隆裕更是個虔誠的道教信徒。某些上層道士同佛教上層一樣受到皇帝的禮遇。遼聖宗曾予道士馮若谷加官太子中允。道教的傳播也帶動了道家經典的研究，遼初道士劉海蟾著有《還丹破迷歌》和《還金篇》，耶律倍譯有《陰符經》，遼聖宗時于闐張文寶曾進《內丹書》，寺公大師的《醉義歌》中也雜有道教思想。

遼朝也有通行伊斯蘭教，主要經由位於西域、已經伊斯蘭化的喀喇汗國東傳而來。996年入仕遼廷的阿拉伯學者納蘇魯丁即在遼南京（今北京）興建牛街禮拜寺。後來的西遼遼帝對伊斯蘭教採取的寬容伏待政策，使伊斯蘭教持續在西域發展。

藝術

遼朝繪畫作品具有很高的藝術價值，契丹人善畫草原風光和騎射人物，遼朝湧現出不少卓有成就的畫家，創作了大量優秀的繪畫作品。耶律倍和著名畫家胡瑰、胡虔父子所畫多入北宋內府，被譽為「神品」。耶律倍畫的《射騎圖》、胡環的《出獵圖》、無名氏的《丹楓呦鹿圖》、《秋林群鹿圖》等名畫，均為曠世珍寶。此外比較有名的尚有：耶律防曾兩次使宋，見宋仁宗，「陛辭，僅一見，」即臨摹如真容。蕭瀜據《繪事備考》雲：「好讀書，親翰墨，尤善丹青……」。虞仲文據《圖繪寶鑒》記載他善畫人馬，墨竹學文湖州（文同）。其它還有契丹族耶律題子、秦晉國妃蕭氏，以及漢族陳升、常思言與吳九州等人也皆以善畫稱。

雕塑作品刀法遒勁，栩栩如生。建築藝術主要體現在佛塔和佛寺。山西省靈丘覺山寺西塔院中的覺山寺塔、北京市天寧寺塔、遼寧省遼陽白塔、海城析木城金塔造型美觀，是遼代最流行的密簷塔中的傑出代表作品。天津薊縣獨樂寺的觀音閣兼唐代和宋朝之長處，雄健壯麗。

遼朝用契丹文字刻製的石刻。契丹文石刻用契丹大字和小字刻制，一般分為紀功碑、建廟記、哀冊文、墓誌銘、題記等類。契丹大字石刻如：《遼太祖紀功碑》（殘）、《大遼大橫帳蘭陵郡夫人建靜安寺碑》、《耶律延寧墓誌》、《蕭孝忠墓誌銘》、《故太師銘石記》與《北大王墓誌》等。其中《北大王墓誌》（又作《耶律萬辛墓誌》）是契丹大字石刻中字體最工整的一件，講述耶律萬辛的事蹟，本墓誌使用遼代契丹大字、漢字刻印。由於刻字工整，字數較多，有利於契丹大字的解讀。

遼朝散樂受唐朝和五代後晉影響極深，在此基礎上與契丹族民間藝術相融合，建立起的一種類似宮廷音樂的形式。《遼史》中有記載，其演奏樂器有：觱篥、簫、笛、笙、琵琶、五弦、箜篌、箏、方響、枝鼓、第二鼓、第三鼓、腰鼓、大鼓與拍板等。散樂由12人組成，是一支完整的表演隊伍。樂隊呈兩排，前排第三人下，有一低矮的舞蹈者，隨著節拍翩翩起舞。

科技

遼朝在科學技術方面也取得一些成就。遼朝的醫藥久負盛名，遼朝醫生直魯古撰有《脈訣》與《針灸書》，其中的治療方法至今仍應用在臨床實踐中。當時具有屍體防腐保存的技術，文惟簡所著的《虜廷事實》、《新五代史·四夷附錄》等文獻都記載契丹人用香藥、鹽、礬等保存屍體的方法。1981年在內蒙古察右前旗豪欠營遼墓中發現有保存比較完整的乾屍。

遼朝的天文曆法繼承五代曆法，並略有改進。遼朝原使用後晉馬重元的調元曆，995年行用遼刺史賈俊的大明曆。遼朝皇帝十分重視天象觀測，時人並將天象與政事相連繫。1971年在河北省宣化遼墓發現的彩繪星圖繪有二十八宿、黃道十二宮。1989年在宣化遼墓又發現兩幅星圖，除與前圖略同外，並有十二生肖，均作人形，從中可以得知遼朝天文學已達到很高的水準。

社會

契丹民族的社會與風俗，本不同於漢人。遼朝在統治漢人的燕雲十六州地區，則同於中原；在北方的契丹人，則依舊俗生活；介於混雜地區，就呈現兩種混合型態。契丹人的儀俗很多，如拜日儀、柴冊儀、再生儀、祭山、射鬼箭等。特別的生活方式就是四時的「捺缽」，遼朝皇帝帶領百官的中央政權，隨著一年四時，到各地巡狩，其宮帳的所在地就是「捺缽」。其他還有「頭魚宴」、「頭鵝宴」等生活習慣。契丹飲食文化因地制宜，有蜜餞、果脯等，是用蜜蠟浸漬水果而成，以利保存。清朝東北仍有以歐李（野果）「漬以餳蜜」之俗，今日北京特產果脯，也是與契丹人的「蜜漬山果」「蜜曬山果」之類一脈相承。

在日常生活上，契丹人具有北亞民族傳統，以羊狐皮衣居多。而貴族官吏則以貂裘為主，並且穿絲絹服飾，所配戴的裝飾也比較多。飲酒食肉為普遍現象，居住以帳幕為主，也有居住在宮室。摔跤、擊鞠（踢球）、射柳、射兔節、下圍棋和雙陸等均是遼人的業餘活動。關於節令風俗，遼漢皆有，仍以契丹舊俗為主。例如元旦日，以弱米和白羊髓為餅。正月七日為人日，食煎餅，稱為「薰天餅」。其他尚有中和、上巳、端午、夏至、中元、中秋、重九、冬至等，都是直接或間接從中原傳入的，節日風俗大體相同。然而也有一些節令，名稱雖同，卻保留了契丹固有的風俗和儀式。

君主

年表

時間軸

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